ABSTRACT
Democracy has been perceived as a
universal creed and the most acceptable system of government in the world.
African countries tend to key in to this reality against the backdrop of a long
period of military rule which has been a cog on our wheel of social-economies
and political emancipation in the process of country this democratization they
found themselves a more serious problem and challenges. The objective of this
research is to examine the State of African
Democracy. Some of the challenges facing it as well
as the prospects. The research identified that African democratic project is
impeded following that African democratic project is impeded following the
problems associated with the conduct and management of Election in Africa, the
challenges of political leadership and the inability to transform democracy in
to instrument of Human security. The research therefore recommend that the
prospect of African Democracy lies on credible, free and fair election, Good
Governance and the delivering of the dividends of democracy to African people. The
methodology adopted in this research is the secondary method of data collection
which involves the descriptive and historical analysis of already existing
materials from textbooks, journals. Well researched article and publications
and the internet.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title page
Certification
Dedication
Acknowledgement
Abstract
Table of contents
CHAPTER ONE
1.1
Background to the study
1.2
Statement of the problems
1.3
Objectives of study
1.4
Theoretical framework
1.5
Hypothesis
1.6
Limitation and scope of study
1.7
Clarification of concept
1.8
Methodology
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1
The meaning of Democracy: An overview
2.2
Democracy and representative governors a philosophical perspective
2.3
Democracy and Good Governance in African
2.4
What is good governance
2.5
Rustows Yardstick of consolidating democracy in Africa
2.6
Democracy and Human security
CHAPTER THREE
3.1
African Democracy: A general Assessment
3.2
Assessment of democracy in West Africa
sub-region
3.3
Election Monitoring and democracy in West Africa
3.4
Democracy and stability: The Ghanian Experience
3.5
Democracy and Development: An assessment of southern Africa.
3.6
Challenges facing African democratic project.
3.6.1 Colonial
legacy
3.6.2 Capitalism
& Market fundamentalism
3.6.3 Cost of
governance and corruption
3.6.4 Troubled
election outcome
3.6.5 The
military factor
3.7 The challenge of good governance
3.8 Anti-Democratic behaviour of African
politic elites.
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1
Summary of findings
4.2
Recommendation
4.3
Conclusion
Bibliography
CHAPTER ONE
1.1
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
Africa politics has several unique features
in our historical experience and contemporary times; this experience includes
colonialism, Nationalism, independence, military rule, transition to democracy
and consolidation of democracy.
Colonial domination of the African
countries started officially in the scramble for Africa at the British
conference 184/1885 where Africa was
partitioned among different spheres of influences by colonizing state. Britain, France,
Portugal, Belgium and Germany. During these era,
different kinds of colonies assimilation and association in the French colonies
indirect rule was administered by Lord Lugard a British colonial policy Belgium and Portugal used different sort.
During this period, Africa
was subjugated and placed in a subservient position in the mainstream of
political activities. This lead to discontentment and struggle for self rule
and independence by African Nationalist, in the Language of Kwame Nkrumeh of Ghana “seek ye
first political independence and every other things shall be added unto you”.
In the Anglophone West Africa, where Colonial
Policies Marginalized the Educated Elites. The Aborigines Right protection
society was formed in the Gold coast to articulated interest of the undeageans
people. The national council of British West Africa (N.C.B.W.A) also emerged in
the early 19th centuries. All these struggles lead to the granting
of political independence to many Africa
State in the 1950s and
60s.
Ghana was the first country to achieve
political independence in Sub-Sahara Africa in 1957, Guinea-1958, Nigeria-1960.
Between 1957 to 1963, 32 African States has gained political independence the
last was south Africa in
1994-Liberial, Egypt and Ethiopia
were not colonized.
After independence nothing changed,
professor Soj Ojo referred to the situation as “Frustration of unforeseen hope
of independence Africa situation was a
Neo-Colonial contradiction anchored on a fragile foundation and disarticulated
structure perpetrated by Neo-Colonialism and imperialism rein formed by
internal collaborators and indeageneous Bureaucratic bourgeois. Our political
elites lacked the requisite knowledge of good governance and leadership, what
quickly followed was corruption, Absolutism, aliases of public offices,
Tribalism, esthetic conflict and political regrettable stories of Africa is the
spate of military coup, starting in 1952 when king Farouk of Egypt was over
throne, there was a little gap until January 1963 when a group of soldiers
assassinated Congo-Brazzaville was toppled by the military in 1963 (August)
Benin. Republic (October) Nigeria
in January 1966, Ghana
in February 1966. The increasing culture of militarization became part of the
polities of the continent which resulted in various forms of instability and
recourse to civil war as a means of resolving political issues. Realities tells
man that the only way to escape these instability and insecurity is to embrace
the wave or democracy which is perceive as a rocket carrying a warhead to its
destination i.e. for Africa countries to develop. We must accept democracy and
eschew dictatorship and military rule.
Prof. George Nzongola was optimistive
about the future of democracy in Africa. He
said and I quote.
“Since 1988, the people of Africa has
raisen to replace one party and military dictatorship will Multy Party
democracy from October 1985 in the street of Algeirs, this new social movement
for democracy has manifested it self all over the continent than going the rule
of Political game and bringing about meaningful reform in the institution in
the post colonial State”
In the
optimism, he was not alone other African Scholas has also spoken of Africa “Sarging tide of democracy”
The transition to democracy by South Africa in
1994 strengthened this seeming Irreversible march which was regared as an
important feature of the African Renaissance (Mbeki, 1991).
The challenges of developing lasting
and representative political institution base on the will of the people has
been dearly demonstrated in Africa over the
past decades. From one perspective many African states have been able to
transit from Military rule to democracy. On the other perspective, the
inability of some African
State to transit from
military to democracy is a call of serious concern. In some other cases,
incumbent president refuse to hand over power to their successors but against
this backdrop, some substantive Menber of counties including such regional
power as south Africa and Nigeria have succeeded in holding legitimate election
and moving a heard to address questions of democratic consolidation.
On the other hand, the past decades
has been tragedious of State failure in countries such as Rwanda, Siere-Leone and democratic Republic of Congo.
From our experience in the new
Millennium, we can eathegorize countries in three types, those undergoing
meaningful-change, those adopting the form but not the substance of democracy
and those that have not undergone any significant democratization process.
The question that looms large is why
having some state done better than the other? What democratic model work in Africa? Have African Leaders translated democracy into
Good governance? Have democracy lead to social economic and political
development? How instrumental is democracy towards resolving the crises of
development in Africa? The crises identified
by Lucia Dye, Legitimacy crises, identity crises, distributing crises, and
participatory crises; have democracy “delivered the good”
The Analyses of the state of Africa democracy encompasses what I called the “three
wheres”- it is an answer to the following question.
Where are we coming from in retrospect?
Where are we now in reality?
Where are we going in the future?
This means that Africa
democratization process is ongoing it defies a simplistic generalization. These
reality is much more complex and varied.
1.2
STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
In this study, the following puzzles
shall be our girding principles.
(a)
Most Africa State find it fairly easy to democratize but the
major challenges of the 21st century is how to consolidate Africa democracy
(b)
Most Africa States have not been able to convert Democracy into Good
governance which has become a standard of international best practices among
developed Nations.
(c)
Most African
State is still finding
much more difficult to conduct free and fair election which is a core
ingredient in transforming from a mere civilian rule to concrete democratic
(d)
African leaders accepted democracy but rejected it’s principle, culture
and values.
(e)
Most African states have not been able to deliver the dividend of
democracy to their citizens. This is an issue of serious concern in the 21st
century.
(f)
Why the African Union have not been able to show and expressed commitment
and determination towards the quest and hunger for democracy in Libya.
1.3
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
This work is meant to accomplish the
following
(a)
To asses the State of African democracy today and its prospects for the
future.
(b)
To examine some challenges facing democratic experiment in Africa
visa-vise the behavour of some Africa leaders
towards their citizens.
(c)
It also examine how south Africa
which is the best country to gain political independent in Africa managed to
take the lead in terms of democratic consolidation and performance in Africa
(d)
The study sketched out what need to be done to keep and sustain democracy
in Africa considering t he challenges of
development of the 21st century.
1.4
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
In this work, we will rely on the
system theory as our analytical frame of reference. The system theory is
borrowed from Biology and engineering science. It emphasizes the working
mechanism of a set up for a goal attainment.
The system theory in political
science is associated with David Easton who used it to explain how the
political system work and interact. According to Easton, the political system exists with
other system such as the physical system, Biological social and psychological
system. But the political system is the one in which authoritative binding
decision are made.
Some basic concepts associated with
the Eastonial Model includes: - INPUTS
CONVERSION, OUTPUT AND FEEDBACK.
Another important explanation of the
system theory is the existence of structure perform some function or “Roles”
Each structure must be separated or diffracted. The political system perform
two main function INPUT Function and OUTPUT functions. The input functions
includes, interest Articulation, interest Aggregation political recruitment,
political socialization, political communication. Output function includes,
Rule making, Rule implementation and rule Adjudication.
All these are essential element of a
democratic process which involves the articulation of various interests into
decision making and decision implementation in order to actualize the system
goals.
1.5 HYPOTHESES
This work is predicated on the
following assumption.
(a)
There is a relationship between free and fair election and democratic
consolidation.
(b)
African democracy is rooted in a fragile foundation because of the
absence of democratic culture which normally accompanies democratic practices.
(c)
The behavour of some African leaders toward democracy has been source of
conflict and instability in some African States.
(d)
There is a relationship between democracy and political stability as well
as political instability.
(e)
There is a relationship between democracy and National Economic
performance.
1.5
LIMITATION/SCOPE OF STUDY
There are so many literature that
have discussed the State of African
democracy, it’s prospects and challenges which can not be fully analyzed in few
pages. We shall therefore limit our Scope of Study to two African
States, South Africa
and Nigeria
visa-vise good governance, election management and development.
1.7 CLARIFICATION OF CONCEPTS
In the work the following concepts
shall be operationalised to aid our understanding.
DEMOCRACY: The
origin of democracy has been traced to the ancient great city state of Athens date to 555 Bc in the Greek City State.
Democracy
has two types, direct democracy and indirect democracy (Reprehensive
democracy).
Direct
democracy means the direct parturition of all adults who were adjudged eatable
of making rational decision. While indirect democracy is a representative form
which is practiced in most contemporary States.
Democracy
has been defined by various scholars for example, Abraham Lincoln define it as
government for the people, by the people and of the people. Appadorai (1975) define
democracy as a form of government in which the ruling power of the state is
legally vested not in one particular class or classes but in the chamber of a
community as a whole.
DEMOCRATIC CULTURE: This regards to the best and most acceptable way of life in contemporary
time. They are the principles guiding democratic process they include, free and
fair elections, fundamental human right, fraternity, dominant of rule of law,
representative government, tolerance opposing view, rationality and openness.
TRANSITION AND CONSOLIDATED DEMOCRACY
There are differences between
transition to democracy and consolidated democracy. Transition to democracy
emphases the displacement of authoritarian reign. It means toppling an
authoritarian reign and adopting a redument of democracy.
GOOD GOVERNANCE:
Proudly speaking, the term good
governance encompasses all aspect of the way in which a country is governed.
Good governance have several is governed. Good governance have several
characteristic, participatory, consensus, oriented, accountability,
transparency, responsive effective, efficient, equitable, inductive and rule of
law.
ELECTION:
According to Wanyene (1987:80) election represent a way of making a choice that
is fair to all. It is an empirical demonstration of a citizen’s liberty and
political choice, a free and fair election provides a veritable platform for
conflict resolution and transformation outside battle field without bloodshed.
CONFLICT: The
term conflict represents disharmony, antagonism or hostility in a relationship.
For arises due to incompatibility of goal been pursued and incompatibility of
means used in the pursuance of a State goal. It is one of the products of cash
of interest in a relationship. Conflict leads to political instability in a State.
1.8
METHODOLGY
In this work we relied on secondary
sources involving the review of textbooks, internet material, Articles, Journal
and News peppers e.t.c.
REFERENCES
Agbebaku P.E: Introductory note on
Military in Africa
Politics Philip E
Agbebaku Publishers, London,
2003 (Pg: I)
Agbebaku P.E: Africa
in the Global System, Syvia
Publishing
Akure (Pg 17).
Akpotor As: Theoretical foundation of
international
Relation, into printing
press, Edo State. 2004 (Pg:45)
Edward K McMolion: Assessing
Democracy in Africa:
2010
Kwame Boafor Authors: “Democracy and
stability in West
Africa”
Mark Kessleman: Introduction to
Comparative Politics.
4th Edition,
Hough on Mifflin Company 2007 (Pa: 18)
S.P Varma: Modeln Political Theory,
University of
Pagusthan,
VIKAS Publishing House: PVT LTD.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1
THE MEANING AND NATURE OF DEMOCRACY: AN
OVERVIEW
As with many other important concepts
debate over the meaning of Democracy is continuous. The wide popularity of the
term conceals some important ambiguities. Some scholars saw democracy as solely
a procedure used in selecting top government officials base on free and fair
election in which all citizens are allowed to cast their vote. Some other sees
it as a system which respect civil liberty including right to free expression,
dissent and privacy, to some democracy guarantees certain minimum economic and
social right. Others saw it as an ideology platform for power contestion and
not a class struggle. Rejai (1967:203) posit that, a discussion on democracy can
be understood on it’s “classical” and liberal form. Classical democracy is base
on the assumption of government by the people, common good rationality of man
and the contradictory goal of liberty and equality. Classical democracy has
been creolized for its philosophical palaces, abstract content and empirically
invalid proposition.
Today, Liberal democracy justifiably
enjoys heavy universal appeal and is regarded as the system of government by
which citizens through open and fee institutional arrangement are open and free
institutional arrangement are empowered to chose and remove leaders in a
competitive struggle for the people vote.
According
to Robert Dahly the deem of democratic study emphasized that a truly
representative democratic government must be based on the principle of popular
sovereignty, competitive political participation and independent of the
judiciary, free and fair and regular elections, universal suffrage, freedom of
expression and consensus, universal right to form political association and
participation community, inclusive citizenship and adherence to the
constitution and rule of law.
Democracy
has lead at clarifying and development of a set of proposition, practices and
institutions that can be observed and operationalised. (Rejai 1967: 204)
Democracy is an inclusive social system making (Lipsef Cited in Rajai (1967)
Joseph schumpten (1942) argue that democracy can only make sense based on its
electoral imperative under which the people periodically elect among elites
their ruler in a competitive electoral process. Huntignton (1984) similarly
opines that…..a democracy thus involved two dimensions-contestion and
participation.
However,
while elections are important to democracy, their consolidation as the raison
the tar a are theoretically and conceptually flawed. This is because a rough
consensus has emerged among practitioners and scholars about the minim
political features required for a regime to qualify as democratic; it is
generally agreed that the following conditions most be present.
(a)
Selection to the highest public offices is on the basis of free and fair
election. For an election to be qualified as fair, votes must be counted
accurately and publicly with the winning candidates selected according to
preexisting rules that determines the kind of plurality of majority required to
gain election victory.
(b)
Political parties are free to organize, present candidate for public
office and compete in election. The opposition parties-those not in power
enjoys adequate right of contestation i.e. the right to organize and to
criticize constructively the incumbent government.
(c)
The elected governments develop policies according to specified
procedures that provide for due process, transparency in decision making and
accountability of elected executive at the next election through judicial
action in both parliamentary and presidential legislators.
(d)
All citizens’ posses’ civil and political right the right to participate
and vote in election periodically held to select key state officials and civil
liberty-Right to free assembly, consensus, privacy and expression, including
the right to criticize the government.
(e)
The political system contains a Judiciary with power independent of the
executive and Judiciary charged with the protection of individual Right and
civil Liberty as well as ensuring that government officials respects
constitutionally specified procedure.
Although these points make a useful
checklist of the essential element of a democracy but scholar have commented on
these criteria.
Firstly, Democracy specifies a set of
procedure for making decision but it does not granter the wisdom of the out
come this is largely influenced by the economic inequalities that limits the
ideal of “one person one vote”
Secondly, No government has ever
fully lived up to democratic standard, all democratic government in their
various points in history have violated them to a greater or lesser extent.
Thirdly, economic inequalities State
the political deck wealthy citizens, power full interest group, and business forum
can use their substantial resources to increase their chances of winning an
election or influencing public policy, this create Ramous in all democracies.
This is a reflection of the Novelist George Orwell is Ramous Phrase.
Most importantly, scholars have
argued that displacing authoritarian regime and then holding election does not
mean democracy will prevail or endure. A wide gulf exists between what
comparatives have termed a TRANSITION TO
DEMOCRACY and CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRACY.
Transition means the toppling of an
authoritarian regime and adopting the rudiment of democracy.
Consolidation of democracy requires
fuller adherence to democratic procedure and making democratic institutions
more steady and durable. It therefore means that not until election is free and
fair one can not tack of consolidated democracy. Scholars have also drawn our
attention to differentiate between democracy “civilian rules” This was the case
of Nigeria
in the beginning of the fourth republic and many other African countries.
More so, Hans Morgenthan emphasized
on what he called the “Economic of Democracy”. By ecology of democracy, we
refer to the sociopolitical environment in which democracy is operated, this is
what he referred to as the “universal pre-condition” and specific contextual
variable that guides and condition it. Hantington (1984:214) advances condition
for institutionalism of democracy namely: - High level of Economic well-being
Absence of extreme inequality in wealth, greater social pluralism, a more
market oriented economy.
2.2 DEMOCRACY AND
REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT: A PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVE:
John Stuart Mill regarded representative democracy as
necessary for progress as it permitted citizens to use and develop the
faculties fully, promote virtue intelligence and excellence (Mill 1976:193-195)
it also allow for education of citizens, providing an efficient forum for
consulting collective affairs of the state. It encourages free discussion which
was necessary for the emergence of truth. It promoted good management of the
affair of society. Democracy accept all citizens regardless of their status,
this popular sovereignty could give legitimacy was good because it made people
happier and better. Against this backdrop, Kirl Marx arguer that democracy is
an executive committee of the bourgeoisies as a whole, which inturne dominate
society. This representatives became psychopaths who instead of representing
the masses and up representing themselves.
Influenced by Alexis de-Tocgueville”
these is on the “Tyrany of the
Majority). Mill advocates a liberal democracy which specified and limited t he
power of the legally elected minority. Thus the “rule of law” became a key
formulation of Hegels “Philosophy of Right”, Hegel did not see law as a
hindrance to freedom but rather a characteristic of freedom i.e Representation
should be checked.
Furthermore, John Lock emerged as a
father of Liberalism and a product of the golden page in the history of Liberal
democracy. Thus, Lock postulated some pragmatic intellectual foundation of one
of contemporary democracy which a successful democratic system must rest on:
individualism, consensual limited government, constitutional authority, the
rule of law, the majority rule principle, separation of power, sovereignty of
the people, civil society, pluralism, tolerance and Right to Judge authority.
2.3
DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA:
Though African states accepted the
“third wave” of democracy, the major problem lies on the problem of translating
democracy to good governance. This good governance and democracy has been a
problematic issue in Africa especially in the
21st century (Adejumobi 1996).
The demand for political
participation and the involvement of the people in the choice of their leaders
and decision making which constitute the critical hub of political democracy
(Sorencon 1993) is not a new phenomenon in Africa.
In the world of Richard Joseph (1990) is the process of “democratic Renewal”
this is good Governance. The conception and usage of the concept of “good
governance” in recent time came from World Bank given the resistance which
greated the implementation of the structural Adjustment programme S.A.P in Africa.
2.4
WHAT IS GOOD GOVERNANCE?
Broadly speaking, the term Good
Governance encompases all aspect of the way a country is governed. Good
governance has several characteristics, this According to Hyden (1996), for any
government to be considered as good, such government must pass the following
test; participatory, consensus oriented, accountability, transparency, Responsibility,
effective, consensus and inclusive and follow the rule of law at a minimum,
good governance required fair legal framework and that are enforce impartially
by the independent judicial and it’s decision and enforcement are transparent
or carried out in a manner that follow established rules and regulations. Since
accountability can not be enforced without transparency and the rule of law,
accountability is there for the key requirement of good governance. Good
governance is not onlyu associated to governmental institution alone, but
private sector and civil society organization must also be accountable to the
public and their institutional stakeholder civil society group compose of non
governmental organization falt based groups, trade union indigenous people
group, charitable organization, professional association, private foundation.
Moreover, given that a society
well-being depends on ensuring that all it’s members feel that they have a
stake in it. Good governance requires that institution serve all state holder
farly.
The united nation millennium project,
the united nation development programe, human development report and the World
Bank’s annual would development report each list over one hundred “must do”,
items for a state to achieve good governance. However, the report provides
little prioritization or guidance regarding what governance items are essential
and what can wait, how they will pay.
The various report recommendation can
broadly divided into two sections.
(a)
The General
(b)
The substantive
The general emphasis
“capacity development” which include both building of effective State (which
can deliver published goods and services to the populace and ensuring peace and
stability) and an empowered and responsive society which can hold states accountable
for their action. However that is not appreciated is that good governance can
not be held cheap simply through the implementation of bureaucratic and
administrative policies.
More
over, governance reform without economic reform are doomed to failure. Again,
research shows that political-institutional reform are more successful where
economic development already has started to take place. Most importantly,
measuring good governance and overall governmental performance generally
requires measuring what Rotbery Cell “Outcomes” and not just “input” i.e. what
need to be measured is the government delivery of pubic good and not just it’s
budgetary provision, it actual accomplishment and it’s good intentions
substantively, the report views institution building, democracy and political
economic decentralization as essential for good governance and economic
development. The report overtly sanguine rhetorical statement shed little light
on these issues. For example how does a society devise and an institutional
framework that nurtures both democracy and market economic, how does it best
ensure that government have sufficient power to provide security and public
service how can democratic governance, economic growth and human development
becomes mutually reinforcing.
In
his Lates book, “Understanding the process of Economic change” Nobel Laureate
Douglass North reiterates that good institution begat good governance.
Institution matters for both long and short-term change because they form the
incentive structure of the society and provide the underlying determinat of
economic performance.
Institution
consist of both formal (constitution, law, and regulation) and informal (such
as behavour, norm, customs and traditions) rules that constrains human economic
behavior. According to North when an incentive encourages individuals to be
productive, economic activities and growth take place.
However,
they encourages unproductive or preductory behavour economic stagnates.
Therefore
economic performance is determined not only by the kind of quality of
institution that support market, but also it depends largely on “adaptive
efficiency” or the political system effectiveness in creating institutions that
are productive, stable, fair, broadly accepted and flexible enough to be change
or replace in response to political and economic feedback.
Good
governance can therefore be seen as the sum of the institution, process and
policies that are conductive to human development and right, but democracy is
regarded as majoritarion rule and holding regular election. This means that
there is a relationship between democracy and good Governance.
In
Africa, lack of peaceful mechanism for transfer of power as been one of the
most common triggers for political repression, violence and even civil war
which lead to human insecurity,
Human
security threats can arise due to violence during the elections and elections
outcome, or the way in which elections is conducted. Thus, this has been an
attendant characteristics of African democracy in recent times. Because of this
scholars have observed that democracy has been antithetical to development in Africa.
2.5
RUSTOW YARDSTIK OF CONSOLIDATING
DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA
A consensus exist about the content of
liberal democracy. In our literative review,
numerous yardsticks exist on whether a country has transited to
democracy saftly, and if it is consolidating her democracy or making effort to
consolidating it in the future. Such test have been identify by Rustow (1991)
to include,
(a) The election test i.e if the new democracy
region lives long enough to survive another National election following the
unitial election that brought it to power.
(b) The test of alternation of power hypothesis i.e
whether there is a constitutional change of power between two parties that
represent two different forces or whether there was a surrender of power
according to the rule laid down by the constitution.
(c) Longitivity test (D. Rustow (1970) i.e if the liberal democracy region
has survived long enough
(d) Democracy “as the only game in town” i.e if some African counties are still been
ruled by military junta or has just newly transited to democracy and reject
dictatorship as it is in some North
African State.
2.6 DEMOCRACY AND KHUMAN SECURITY IN AFRICA
Since the concept of development in human
oriented, a scholar has shifted emphasis to the concept of human security which
has become imperative in this Era of globalization. The concept of human
security has become central in the vocabulary of academics. Policy makes and
civil society practitioners because it provides a means of promoting peace and
stability in the State. What is security? The concept of security implies been
“free from threat”, threat is understood in terms of survival. Human security
therefore mean people must be free from existential threats. It is not all
about defending the territorial integrity of a “regime” or a “State” it is all
about creating an environment contusive for human existence, providing the
“right” and the “means” to life,
Ake emphasized that human security focuses on the “basic need
stratergy” i.e providing the basic existential needs required for human
existence; social and economic. It also emphasized the Elimination of poverty,
human capital development and human empowerment.
Furthermore, scholars have agued that the essence of democracy
every where is to use State resources to lighten the burden of the people. i.e
delivering the dividend of democracy and material needs to the people. This is
an indirect strategy of peace building and conflict resolution.
Thus Democracy in Africa is not just aimed by increasing the
“Mistrials” and intelligence of military apparatus or strengthening the
security outfit in the State, or building personnel security around the elites
in the philosophy of public interest, but rather democracy in Africa is all
about delivering the goods” This scholar have emphasized on what they referred
to as “legitimacy through performance”
Most African condition is a reflection of what Alli Mazrui
referred to as a paradot of African development. African is rich in resolves
but poor in performance, most African citizens are poor, reached, unemployed,
uneducated, unproductive, Hungry and just existing on the surface of the earth.
This informed the Dudly seer’s pussle on what development is,
what has been happening to poverty? What has been happing to unemployment? What
of inequality?. Thus the need to rethink African security in the 21st
century.
END NOTE
Ake Chande
(2001) “The Meaning of Human Security.
Douglass C
North (2005) Understanding the Process of Economic Change Princent
University Press
Huntington G. (1968) Political Order in
Changing Society. New Hevean
Yale University.
Joel Krieger
(2007) Introduction to Comparative Polities
Robert
Potberg (2004) Strengthen Governance Washington
Quately
Rustow D.
(1991) Transition to Democracy. D Towards a Dynamic Mode; Comparative polities
Subrata
Mukherjee and Sushila Ramaswnu (2007) A History of Political Thought. Plato to
Marx- Prentice. Hall India.
World Bank,
Global Monitary Report (2005) Milliniun Development Goal from Consensus to Momentum.
CHAPTER THREE
3.1
A GENERAL ASSESSMENT OF AFRICAN
DEMOCRACY
After colonialism and the struggle
for self determination especially in the 1960, 70s and 90s, the picture of
democracy was not clear enough, for example,
Sierra Leone Liberia Guinea
Congo Angola Somalia
Algeria Rwanda Buridi and Sudan experienced active and latent
armed conflict. Therefore democracy on these countries was on trial. No matter
the yardstick or standards used to measure democratic transition and
consolidation, the result can not be in doubt.
Furthermore, some countries scored
well on these tests. But even in such instance, undemocratic parties are so
numerous to even counter the validity of the test result. It is tone that many
African countries including
Cameroon Gabon Benin
Ghana Tanzania Botswana
Kenya Uganda Namibia
easily passed the “election” test, yet the most cases of such election has been
characterized by unequal playing ground in which the ruling party hold all
critical resources and are governed by bad constitution and law: managed by
partisan, subjective and even criminal electoral commissions, and characterized
by vote rigging, violence and outright rape and pillage of the people
democratic right.
In countries like
Kenya Algeria Gabon
Zimbabwe Mali Ivory
Coast presently dominant region seems to have “A sit fight” tendency or what
professor Ojo referred to a “Neo-Dependency” i.e. are prepared to do anything
to retain political power.
In some countries, regime alteration
has occurred, mostly Benin
and Ghana.
In many countries regime alteration has occurred once, yet no one can place a
huge between the proposition that another regime change can take place in
countries such as
Zimbabwe South Africa Namibia
Malawi Zambia Tanzania
Cote devoir Uganda Senegal
Zquibar gabon Cameroon
West, still, new regime behave like
old ones or worse, characteristically wanting to serve for longer period than
constitutionally allowed. Thus was the case of the Nigerian Obasanjo third term
bid in 2003 and presently President Goodluck Jonathan.
All these are indication that the “3rd
wave” is becoming slowly in Africa during the
last century.
For this reason, Juan Linz (1940)
opine that African countries accepted the wave of democracy but rejected the
value of democracy that accompanies it which made democratic project in Africa unrealizable.
3.2
ASSESSMENT OF DEMOCRACY IN THE WEST
AFRICAN SUB-REGION
From 1960-1989, West Africa was
unstable and account for a very high percentage of military coups on the
continent Nigeria the regional giant tops the military coup league table with
six successful intervention followed by Ghana with five successful
intervention. To that end, the combination of external and internal factors
masterminded enthronement or birth of democracy in the sub-region, opening
political spaces for forces to participate in political activities.
Furthermore, transitions across West Africa became dramatic and unanticipated in most
case. This constitutional reform engulfed the whole sub-region after 1990;
consequently, there were more elections in the sub-region between 1990-2000.
When the Birlin wall rumbled to
signal phenomenal political change across the Glob, Another significance
outcome of the democratization process was the limitation of presidential
terms. This effectively”aborlish of the life “presidential syndrome” which in
many case has attributed to military intervention.
Assessing democracy in West Africa
sub-Region, Emphasis is laid on whether some West Africa
countries are “free” or “ not free” or “partially free”. This freedom House
rating on (a) political right, civil liberty and election in the sub-Region.
This is presented in the table below.
Table 1: Political Data on West Africa
|
Country
|
Year of independence
|
Year/No of Military coups
|
Current Political system
|
Freedom house Ratings (2006)
|
||
|
|
|
|
|
PR
|
CL
|
S
|
|
Benin
|
1960
|
1963:1965:1969:1972
|
Democracy
|
2
|
2
|
F
|
|
Burkina Faso
|
1960
|
1966:1974:1980,1987
|
Emerging democracy
|
5
|
3
|
PF
|
|
Cape Verde
|
1975
|
-
|
Democracy
|
1
|
1
|
F
|
|
Cote d’ Ivoire
|
1960
|
1999
|
Restricted Democratic practice
|
6
|
6
|
NF
|
|
The Gambia
|
1965
|
1994
|
Emerging democracy
|
5
|
4
|
PF
|
|
Ghana
|
1957
|
1966,1972,1978,1979,1981
|
Democracy
|
1
|
2
|
F
|
|
Guinea
|
1958
|
1984
|
Restricted Democratic practice
|
6
|
5
|
NF
|
|
Guinea Buzau
|
1974
|
1980
|
Democracy
|
3
|
4
|
PF
|
|
Liberia
|
1847
|
1980,(1990-1997-civilwar)
|
Democracy
|
4
|
4
|
PF
|
|
Mali
|
1960
|
1968; 1976
|
Democracy
|
2
|
2
|
F
|
|
Mauritania
|
1960
|
1978; 2005
|
Military regime
|
6
|
4
|
PF
|
|
Niger
|
1960
|
1974;1996(1990-1995 Tuareg
rebellion)
|
Democracy
|
3
|
3
|
PF
|
|
Nigeria
|
1960
|
Jan1966:July1966,1975,1983, 1985
|
Democracy
|
4
|
4
|
PF
|
|
Senegal
|
1960
|
-
|
Democracy
|
2
|
3
|
F
|
|
Sierra Leone
|
1961
|
1967;1992:1997,(1991-2001 civil war)
|
Democracy
|
4
|
3
|
PF
|
|
Togo
|
1960
|
19623, 1967, 2005
|
Restricted Democratic practice
|
6
|
5
|
NF
|
From
the above rating
Free
=5 counties
Partially
free = 8 counties
Not
free =3 counties
3.3
ELECTION, ELECTION MONITORING AND
DEMOCRACY IN WEST AFRICA:
Election according to Wanyande
(1987:80) represent a way of making a choice that is fair to all –one that
leave each member of the electorate with the reasonable hope of having his
alternative elected. It is therefore an empirical demonstration of a citizen
liberty and political choice properly managed election provides a veritable
platform for conflict resolution and transformation outside the battlefield and
without blood-shed. Hence the requirement of election to be free and fair.
Douglas Angling (1998:474) argue that
in West Africa, Lip service is paid to the norms of free and fair election, to
often the reality is a travesty of democracy. Africa
election is devoid of the attribute of freeness and fairness, election became
an empty shell, lacking any real democratic content.
This means that not until election
become free and fair, democracy is not consolidated or better still a “Mere
civilian regime”
Election ideally reflect and impact
an orderliness, stability, credibility and possibility of rejuvenating the
political leadership through the change of decadent members of the elite.
Election has the institutional capacity as Obi (1995:17) Observed to use the
right process to place the right person in the right position to perform the
right Job at the right time and place.
But regrettably and unfortunately,
the evidence suggest that election in West Africa
are the very opposite of the above condition stipulated above.
As villalon (1998:16) rightly argued
“Election themselves may
be a Strategy for maintaining power And many
Africa elections… have been clearly intended to fore stall change or even strengthen
the statuesque”
Election in West Africa has been used
to perpetrate “antidemocratic goals” it has been counter productive and a major
source of political instability in most African State.
Most intra-state conflict in West Africa has
been attributed to post-election violence. Because of the negative effect of
election and source of political instability, schools saw election as a double
edged sawed. For election to archive its goal if an unbias umpire can arbiter
to decide between individual interests. Thus, the need for election monitory
becomes inevitable. Election monitoring has however become a part of global
project to promote liberal democracy in West Africa
and other parts of developing world. The Afro and perception of Africa as the graveyard
of democracy are major factors in the increasing importance of international
election observation and monitoring in Africa.
To Anglin (1998:472) election monitoring is a component of peace package, peace
building and conflict resolution and transformation in the context of electoral
democracy.
The
Logic is predicted on the utility of neutral observers in ensuring conformity
with electoral principles.
But
unfortunately, incumbents in West Africa
exploits the election monitoring mechanism to accord respectability to
elections especially since it posses not threat to the desire to manipulate
electoral process.
For
Bjornland Etal (1992:406), election monitoring looks confidence in the fairness
of electoral process, helps to determines fraud in the balloting and counting
proceeded. Reporting on the integrity of the Election mediates disputes
resulting from election and vouchsafes democratization. However, the seeming
incongruence between the intensity of election monitoring and observation on
one hand, and the problematic tendencies of free and fair election had led to
the representation of election monitoring by some critics as “disguised
tourism” (Sore me Kun 1999) and “charade” (Munson 1998:37)
These
contradictory interest are usually resolved in favour of the monitoring
organization. A good example is how the European Union (EU) desire to become a
global player informed its involvement in the post apartheid democratization in
south Africa (Olsen 1998.)
furthermore, France’s
strategic interest led to her increment in aid of Niger Republic
1996 election.
Furthermore,
the four election conducted since Nigeria return to democracy in 1999,
2003, 2007 and 2011 were any thing but democratic, the 1999, 2003 and 2007
election was characterized by executive high-handedness, Vote Rigging, violence
and zero-sum polities.
Many
prominent politicians-such as Bola Ige, leader of the A.D. who was serving in
the P.D.P. government on the invitation of the president as the attorney
general and minister of justice of the federation and many other were
assassinated before the 2003 general election. In totally, hundred of Nigerians
lost their lives in political violence unleashing tenor against voters in bid
to steal election in favour of their patrons (Stakeholders Democracy network
2007). From the foregoing, election observers have at best been mere spectators
in Nigeria
election. The reason is that election and election monitory in West Africa has not been a success story. The freedom
house Rating gave a statistics of the democratic presidential election from
1990-2006: this presented on the next page
Table 2: Democratic Presidential Election in West Africa, 1990-2006
|
Country
|
Year
of election
|
Government
turnover
|
Next
election Date
|
|
|
|
Presidential
|
Assembly
|
||
|
Benin
|
1991,
1996 2001, 2006
|
1996,
2006
|
2011
|
2007
|
|
Burkina Faso
|
1991,
1998 2005
|
-
|
2010
|
2007
|
|
Cape Verde
|
1991,
1996, 2001, 2006
|
(1)
2001
|
2011
|
2011
|
|
Cote
d’ Ivoire
|
2000
|
-
|
2006
|
2006
|
|
The
Gambia
|
1996,
2001 2006
|
-
|
2011
|
2007
|
|
Ghana
|
1992,
1996, 2000, 2004
|
(1)
2000
|
2008
|
2008
|
|
Guinea
|
1993,
1998, 2003
|
-
|
2008
|
2007
|
|
Guinea Buzau
|
2005
|
-
|
2010
|
2008
|
|
Liberia
|
1997,
2005
|
(1)
2005
|
2012
|
2012
|
|
Mali
|
1992,
1997, 2002
|
(1)
2002
|
2007
|
2007
|
|
Mauritania
|
1992,
1997, 2003
|
-
|
?
|
?
|
|
Niger
|
1993,
1996, 1999, 2003
|
(1)
1996
|
2009
|
2008
|
|
Nigeria
|
1999,
2003
|
-
|
2007
|
2007
|
|
Senegal
|
1993,
2000
|
(1)
2000
|
2007
|
2007
|
|
Sierra Leone
|
1996,
2002
|
-
|
2007
|
2007
|
|
Togo
|
2005
|
-
|
2010
|
2012
|
However, in spite of the problematic
election in West Africa Sates-there has been
some mention of a “Ghania Model” of electoral democracy.
3.4
DEMOCRACY AND STABILITY: THE GHANIA
EXPERIENCE
A number of factors have been
identified as having responsible for the success of the Ghanian Model, these
factors, According to Ibrahim (2007:6) are;
Rebuilding institution,
re-establishment of the rule of law, proper conduct of pluralist elections,
promotion of press freedom, reconstitution of effective over sight function and
effective public probity in a State that has previously suffered considerable
decay. It is therefore a Model about the gradual improvement of State efficacy,
democratic government and respect for human right.
An important fact in the Ghana success story is the
elite-championed national consensus as to the viability of the path of
electoral democracy as a platform for national rebirth. Thus it is argued that
it is the internal structural political change rather than election monitoring
lies at the heart of Ghanian model of electoral democracy. This has come to
address some issue of democratic consolidation, inclusiveness, popular
participation, freedom and economic empowerment which has lead to democratic
stability in Ghana.
This informed the Claude Ake’s argument of the interface
between Democracy, stability and growth.
The
issue of a stable polity is of great essence to National development. Webster’s
new world dictionary defines political stability as having a definite
government organizational organization that is not likely to breakdown, absence
of recurrent violence inform of riot and coups and counter-coups, communal
violence, religious intolerance.
The
second sources of political stability is the capacity to manage conflicting and
competing societal interest. The system’s capacity to successfully mediate
various competing interest.
The
third component of political stability is durability of the system over time.
The durability of a government is attained where consensual polities become the
horn and mechanism for conflicts resolution.
With the
foregoing background on stability on Ghana’s political system was
attributed to the acceptance of democracy and ending its dictactoria rule. The Ghana’s transition process championed by Rwaling
has been a milestone in Ghana’s
political history. The deafeat of the N.D.C in 2000 general election after
being in power for two successive term in four years each, was therefore a land
mark that vindicated the virtue of democracy as the only political system for
stabilization and legitimization of political power to the extent that today
Ghana has been experiencing stability, Growth and economic development in West
Africa.
3.5
DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT: AN
ASSESSMENT OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN
Scholars have long
argured that democracy have embedded institutional advantages that support
Economic development. According to Amartya, democracy enrich individual lives
through the granting of political and civil liberty, and do a better job in
improving the welfare of the poor, comparing to alternative political system.
Secondly, it provide political incentives to the ruler to respond positively to
the needs and the demand of the people. Similarly, Avellino, Brown and Hunter finds out that
democracy is robustly linked to higher spending on health, Education and social
services. Not only the political institution necessary for economic development
more likely to exist and function effectively under democratic rule but also
the adoptive efficiencies are best sustained in democracies because institution
building to promote good governance and economic development is conterminous
with democracy.
The S.A.D.C States accepted liberal democracy and a mere
inclusive, representative, accountable and social welfarist in both form and
content. Countries such as Angola,
D.R.C, Swaziland, Botswana, Mauritius,
Namibia and most importantly
South Africa
have consolidated their democracy.
South Africa
represents one of the most developing economy of Africa states ranging from
human capital development, social and infrastructural development, Economic
development, technological advancement and a leading regional power in
political and economic initiatives in Africa.
South Africa successfully hosted the 2010 world
cup, also she was an arch founder of the African union and also spear heading
the N.C.P.A.D (New partnership for African development) which is the economic
development agenda of the African union. All these was possible because of
their ability to transform democracy to good governance which makes economic
development possible. Paradoxically, South Africa
is the least to gain political independence in Africa
in 1995. “The last shall become the first”.
3.6
CHALLENGES FACING THE AFRICA DEMOCRATIC PROJECT.
Haven
critically examined the state of Africa
democracy from historical perspective to the present time, we have identified
some challenges facing African democratic project. Some of these factors lies
in the extension and continued domination of the logic of colonial legacies
others emanated from the limitations inherent in global capitalism or what some
scholar referred to a “Market fundamentalism” some of these challenges are also
inherently or matly rooted in the character of Arica State. Some of them are
also attributed to “Elite Idiosyncrasy and operators of the system. And most
importantly the inability of African leaders to convert democracy to good
governance in Africa. Some of these challenges
can be summarized below:-
(a) Colonial legacy
(b) Capitalism and market fundalism
(c) Cost of governance and corruption
(d) Troubled election and their outcomes
(e) Slow pace of the development of
democratic culture
(f) Good governance
(g) Military factor in African politics
(h) The Anti-Democratic behaviour of
African political Elite.
COLONIAL LEGACIES: Explaining the current social political and economic maladies
about Africa State, analytical antecedent remained a
critical factor i.e having a linkage with historical factors. Scholars have
demonstrated that the colonial and post colonial State faced hard choice
especially when some structures in Africa was
established for the purpose of perperetrating colonial interest.
Political parties which form the hub and an internal part
of democratic process. Mohamed Mamdaw (2000) rightly observed political parties
was a deferent movement which served both the emancipate and to muffle: while
introducing political pluralism it undermind the social and ideological
pluralism. It drove the wedge between political and social movement. While
political parties flourished for a while, social movement atrophied such
situation severed the connection and lead to the bureaucratization of both the
parties and professional Association, co-operative, trade union. This gave way
to personalism and single-party domination on one hand and managerialism and
reliance on bureaucratic control that eventually fell victim to corruption and
elitiazed polities in Africa.
Secondly, the depoliticization and neutralization of
civil society organization and social movement in which their leaders were
detained or even criminalized. Some were assassinated. The point here is the
structure separation of parties from social movement and in a normal sense, the
elites and the masses were critical in instituting a liberal democracy. It is
taking African state longer time to institute this integral aspect of social
mobilization in the democratic process of Africa
states.
CAPITALISM AND MARKET
FUNDAMENTALISM
For us to explain the difficulties of democracy in recent
years, we need to explore the conditions specific to this wave in space and
time. This is important because of the otherwise curious paradox i.e. Africa states that likes abandoned and described as a
dark conferment all of a sudden became a destination for experimentary macro
economic polies. In historical terms, African economy has been proliferated by
a lot of capitalistic orientation which Kirl Max argued that democracy is
incompatible with Neo-liberalism emphasized minimal government intervention and
increased private participation.
The removal of subsidy and allowing individual (Elites)
to dominate the economy for their own selfish interest. This lead millions of
Africans to suffer from denial of access health facilities and affordable
drugs, education and welfare. This is the political economy of African
democracy. It has lead to inequality in political pursuit, increased
corruption, selfishness and bad governance.
This condition could never co-exist with popular
democracy. Gray (1998:17) emphasized that the final analysis is that the above
must be insolated from democratic deliberation and political amendment.
To put it very well,
Free market are creature
of state power and persists only as long as the state is able to prevent human
need for security and control of economic risk from finding political
expression-popular democracy and free market are rival not allies”.
This means both have
disharmony of interest and always in conflicting situation-Africa has turned
out to be the battlefield. In the language of Mafeje (1992) “No country can
combine a crisis of accumulation with popular democracy and think of
succeeding.
COST OF GOVERNANCE AND CORRUPTION
The cost of running democracy in Africa in general and Nigeria
in particular is grossly unacceptable, though one major critiques on
representative democracy is that it is expensive to run. African leaders have
manipulated this to increase the size of bureaucracy and the cost of running
public offices, they seek to satisfy their private and through all manner of
means to enrich themselves and their family. Thus, the monetization of politics
in Africa became antithetical to democratic
values. African leaders tend to remain in power till death.
Corruption is another challenge facing democracy in Africa. It has eaten deep into the fabric of society. A
situation when these entrusted with public offices use them for their own
selfish interest, instead of the interest of the electorate who actually voted
them into power. Embezzlement, looting bribes has become the other of the day.
TROUBLED ELECTION OUTCOME
Election is an integral part of any political system, and
at the same time one of the major challenge in Africa
democracy. It has become a source of political instability in most African and
a threat to internal security in most African states. The case of Cote de voire
(Quattana vs Gbagbo) Zibabwe (Mugabe vs Tshangar) Kenya (Odiriga vs Kibaki). Troubled
election outcome has lead to civil war in these countries which has led to
destruction of lives and properties. Economic stagnation and underdevelopment.
The emphasis is therefore “How democracy underdeveloped Africa”.
Paradoxically, democracy ought to be a blessing to Africa
but in most country it is a curse. Democracy become a source of envy, jealousy,
Strif, anger and hatred against fellow Africa
brothers.
It is for this reason that Akpotor (2004) opine that “in
the process for Africa to democratize they
found themselves into a more serious problems because of the way African
leaders handles election issues.
MILITARY FACTOR IN AFRICAN POLITICS
It is quite understandable that the military inclusion
into African polities is no longer an issue in contemporary African history,
but the fact remains that the history of African polities in their
democratization process cannot complete without mentioning the military factor
because a large number of African countries got their political independence in
the sixties with Modern apparatus of statehood will focus to sustaining the democracies
so that they can fit into the community of Nations. But the story did not go
well for Africa, thus Agbebaku (2003:1) pin
point that:
One of the sordid and
regrettable stories of Africa is the spate of
military coup, starting in 1952 when king Farouk of Egypt was overthrow. There
was a little gap until January 1996 when a group of soldiers assassinated
president Sylvanus Olympio of Togo and constituted another civilian government
headed by Nicholas Gruniteky. The civilian government of Congo Brazzaville was
toppled by the military in August, 1963 abd was so in Diahoney, in October 1963
it was upper voter, Nigeria in January 1966 and Ghana February 1966”.
The
statistical trend given by Professor Leo Dare captured the picture when he
stated “During the period up to 1978, 42 African States had obtained political
independence out of which about fifty African states has had their countries
toppled by the military.
The emphasis is that between 1959-2011 when the
assessment is been done, if not military involvement in African politics time
would have allowed democracy to be strengthened on a solid foundation. This
military factor has led to “regime break” and political instability in many
African states.
Other factors are
a. The behaviour of African leaders
b. Slow pace of development of
democratic culture
c. Good governance.
The resume is that all these factors identified in this
analysis are some of the challenges facing African democratic project. Other
factors may exist which are not identified here. But the most important thing
is that African leaders must identify some of these issues raised for policy
dialogue.
3.7
THE CHALLENGE OF GOOD GOVERNANCE
In
current analysis of democracy, paradigm has shifted to good governance. Good
governance characterized by Accountability, transparency, Rule of law,
Efficiency, Participation, Responsive, Effective Public Services. This implies
that in the process of authoritative allocation of value, government business
must obey these principle and above all it must be able to deliver the dividend
of democracy which will bring about development. Good governance in this sense
is the end product of democracy.
In
Africa, the challenge of good governance is highly disturbing this is because from
the leadership perspective good governance has really failed in Africa. African leaders are not accountable to their
electorates, they are not transparent in doing government business, most of
them are above the law. They are not responsive and the overall implication of
this is the inability to implement economic policies that will engender development.
Most of the macro-economic policies in Africa
has failed to bring about the most expected turnaround in African economy
because of the absence of good governance. The Structural Adjustment Programme
(SAP), New partnership for African development (NEPAD), Millennium development
goal (MDG) e.t.c. failed because of the political structure in which they are
instituted. Lack of good governance reinforced the paradox of African
development of ‘‘poverty in the midst of plenty” Africa
is rich in both human and Natural resources but poor in performance.
3.8
THE
ANTI-DEMOCRATIC BEHAVIOUR OF AFRICAN POLITICAL ELITES
African
problem is not that Democratic ideal was not good for Africa,
on the contrary, the behaviour of the operators of democratic process who
constitute the African elites.
African
elites are still in the old shackle of dictatorial behaviour which depend on
force and coercion in actualizing their ends. Obasanjo had an authoritarian
culture, he does not consult Nigerians before taking decisions on National
issues.
Another
character of African leaders is disregard on fundamental human right,
restriction of individual freedom and liberty.
Secondly
they perceived polities as a zero-sum game, sit-tight tendency, corruption
misuse of public fund and public offices, all these are antithetical to
democratic values and ethnics.
END NOTES
Agbebaku P.E
(2003) Military in Africa politics, plup to
Agbebaku publishers 98 Peckham
High Street, London
Douglas Anglin
(1998) “Troubled election outcome in Africa
Freedom House
Rating (2006), African election Database report
Gray J.
(1998) Delusion of global capitalism, London Grata Books
Mafeje A
(1992) in search for an alternative Harere: SAPES Books
Mamdani M.
(2000) “Democratic theory and Democratic Struggle (In Africa) in Nnoli (ed)
government and politics in African AAPS Books.
Kwame Boafo
Aultur (2008) Democracy and stability in West Africa:
the Ghanian experience: Claude Ake Memorial paper No 4, Dept of peace and
conflict research, Nordic African Institute.
Ake Claude
(2001) “The meaning of human security.
Rustow D.
(1991) “Transition to democracy: towards a dynamic model, comparative politics.
Rwekaza
Mukandala (2001) The state of African democracy status prospect and challenges.
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATION
& CONCLUSION
Assessing
the state of African democracy revealed some important points to note; first
and foremost, African politics has been characterized by some unique features-colonialism,
Nationalism, Independence,
Military rule and democracy.
The
analysis of the state of Africa democracy
encompasses what I called the “threa wheres where are we coming from in
retrospect, where are we now in reality, where are we going in the future.
Through
most African states find it fairly easy to democralize themselves but the major
challenge has been how to consolidate democracy in Africa.
African leaders accepted democracy but rejected its guiding principle, culture
and value.
The
challenge of developing lasting and representative political institution base
on the will of the people is still difficult to come by though some African
state have been able to transit from military rule to democracy, in the other
perspective the inability of some African state to transit from military to
democracy calls for a serious concern. In some other cases, the incumbent
president refused to hand over power to their successor, others especially
regional powers (Nigeria and
South Africa
have succeeded in holding legitimate election and moving ahead to address the
question of democratic consolidation.
From the
above like categorized African countries into three categories of democratic
assessment; those undergoing meaningful change, these adopting the form and not
the substance of democracy, those that have not undergone any significant
democratization process.
Giving a
regional assessment the west Africa states in the freedom House rating
emphasized that some west African country are “free”, some are “partially free”
others are not free i.e. 5 countries are free, 8 partially free, 3 not free.
The basis for this rating is political leadership, political right and election
criterion. In west Africa Ghana
was used as a case study because of the relative political stability and
development that it has experienced over the years, thus Claude Ake emphasized
that there is an interface between Democracy stability & growth.
Assessing
the southern African sub-region reveals that the SAPC states accepted liberal
Democracy and more inclusive representative, accountable and social welfarist
in form and content. South African have consolidated their democracy and as
such represent one of the most developing economy of African state ranging from
Human Capital development, social and infrastructural development,
Technological advancement. These are the preregionist which informed their of
hosting the 2010 world cup and also the arch-founder of the African union and
the new partnership for African development (NEPAD) which represent the
economic development agenda for Africa.
Though,
while it was imperative to make a comparative analysis in assessing the state
of African democracy, there have been some challenges facing the democratic
project in the new millennium. Some of these challenges is embedded in some
colonial legacies, other emanated from limitation that are inherent in global
capitalism or market fundamentalism. Most of these challenges are also deep
rooted in the character of the African states, some are also attributed to neo-colonial
contradiction on elite ideology. Critic behaviour and most importantly, the
inability of African leaders to convert Democracy into Good Governance. In plan
language, these challenges summarized as follows: colonial legacy, capitalism
and market fundamentalism, cost of Governance and corruption, Troubled election
outcome the military factor in African politics, the challenge of good
governance, Anti-democratic behaviour of African elites.
4.2 RECOMMENDATION
Having identified the challenges facing the African
democratic experiment what then is the way forward?
i. Effort must be made towards ensuring
free and fair election in Africa, this is
because election has constituted a major threat to African democracy. One of
Rustow’s yardstick for consolidating democracy in Africa
is election test. Election must be inclusive, periodic definitive and must be
able to translate political choosing among alternative outside battlefield
without bloodshed. African election must be able to alter the prevailing power
hypothesis and must show that democracy is not the only game in town.
ii. Secondly, emphasis should be shifted
toward transcending democracy into instrument of human welfare, i.e. delivery
the dividends of democracy leading to ameliorating the Economy suffering and
miseries of Africans. The issue of human security must be taken seriously, by
human security we mean equipping the Human person, providing all its
existential need to live a relatively comfortable live.
iii. Good
governance and its principles must be strictly adhered to by African leaders,
transparency, Accountability, Responsiveness and respect of rule of law. Which
is the hallmark of democracy must be practicable.
iv. The role of civil society is also
important in checking the actions of African politicians and also ensure
popular participation which reflect the hallmark of democracy.
4.3 CONCLUSION
The destiny of African continent lies on our ability to
put our hands on deck towards determining our forward match which all Africans
both the leaders and the led. The Handwriting has been written on the walls of
destiny that democracy in Africa is the
panacea that can resolve the crisis of development that has characterized the
continent. There is therefore the need for determination and expressed
commitment by all African leaders to strictly adhere to these recommendation
highlighted in this work in order to Usher Africans into our edoraldos.
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