ABSTRACT
This research work, election rigging and
political instability in Nigeria
fourth republic, is aimed at examining the occurring phenomenon at election
rigging in the political development of Nigeria with special focus on its
disastrous consequences to democracy.
In chapter one of this project, a brief
history will be examined in enumerating the genesis of election rigging with
reference to the first, second and third republic general election and how such
anti democratic tenets has manifested in the electoral process of the fourth
republic (2003 and 2007 general election). This chapter will also look into the
problems associated with election rigging.
Chapter two will lay emphasis on
existing literature to buttress empirical factors to the course of study.
Chapter three highlights the cases of
election rigging in the fourth republic general elections. Also, the disastrous
consequences of election rigging poses to democracy.
Chapter four presents possible solution
and recommendation to the problem of election rigging in Nigeria.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title
page
Certification
Dedication
Acknowledgment
Abstract
Table
of contents
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
1.1 Brief
historical background
1.2 Statement
of problem
1.3 Objective
of study
1.4 Theoretical
framework
1.5 Methodology
1.6 Definition
1.7 Hypothesis
End
note
CHAPTER TWO
2.1
Literature review
End
note
CHAPTER THREE
3.1
Cases of election rigging (2003 and 2007)
3.2
Election rigging and its consequences
End
notes
CHAPTER FOUR
4.1
Summary
4.2
Conclusion
4.3
Recommendation
Bibliography
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 BRIEF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
THE CONCEPT OF ELECTION
In
a democracy, election is a fundamental ingredient and a utmost test of
political participation it is defined as a process of selecting officers and
representatives of an organization by votes of its qualified members. The
process gives the citizens the right to vote at regular intervals among
competing leaders and policies (Bedlolman 1993).
Also, election has been defined as a
process in which electorates chose government officials using a voting system.
This is the mechanism by which a democracy fills elective offices in the
legislature, and perhaps the executive and judiciary.
The most common election methods or
electoral systems can be categorized as either proportional or majoritarin.
Among the former are party-list proportional representation and additional
member system. Among the latter are first past the post (relative majority),
and absolute majority many countries have growing electoral reform movements,
which advocate systems such as approval voting, single transferable vote,
instant runoff voting or a condoicet method.
The rules by which an elections is
conducted (especially the voting system used) can have wide ranging effects on
the character and outcome of the election.
Election rigging refers to electoral
malpractice committed with corrupt, fraudulent or sinister intention to
influence an election in favour of a
candidate by such means as illegal voting, bribery, threats, undue influence
intimidation and other acts of coercion exerted on voters, intimidation and
other acts of coercion exerted on voters, falsification of results and
fraudulent announcement of a defeated candidate as winner without altering the
results.
Election rigging is a subversion of the
constitution and democratic forms of government instituted by the constitution.
It is the theft of people’s mandate. The common methods of election rigging in
Nigeria include dumping of ballot boxes stuffed with pre-thumb-printed ballot
papers, falsification of results by increasing a candidate’s votes and
decreasing those of his opponents, fraudulent announcement of losing candidate
and so on (Ologbenia 2003).
Political stability in any form of
government has to involve the stable realization of political essence of that
form of government. Political stability of a communal gerontocracy in villages
and small towns headed by elders under an age grade system, means the
continuation of the exerciser of power by those who have reached the
appropriate age at various levels of the system.
Political stability of the type of
democracy provided for in our constitution means the continuation of the
exercise of power by those freely elected by the people of this country for
specific periods with definite mandates which conform with the fundamental
objectives and directive principles of state policy clearly defined in chapter
11 of the constitution.
Political process as an economic
political factor have threatened the stability of the Nigerian political system
which is most cases has given rise or cause a set back to the smooth running of
the transition to democratic programm. Considering the first republic (1960)
the effects of that election rigging in the western region led to the January
15th 1966 military intervention in Nigeria politics. Thus
anti-democratic norm was also experienced in the second republic where the
ruling party national party of Nigeria (NPN) swept the general poll. The
general trend of circulation of the election process during the 1983. General
election was of greater dimension than the 1979 elections.
Historical evidence exist in abundance
to buttress the point that what we know today as election rigging has been in
existence since the 1965 western region election. The blatant rigging of the
western region election by Chief Samuel Akintola’s Nigeria National Democratic
Party (NNDP) the party in power in the region then, the enormity of that coup
against democracy erupted the election violence between the Nigeria National
Democratic Party (NNDP) and the Action Group (AG) supporters which led the army
to strike in 1996. Also the October 1965 elections into the region government
of the west were not still smooth. Although the people clearly rejected the
Akintola’s government at the polls and voted massively for the Action Group,
the opposition party, the Akintola government publicly (interfere) with the
result of the election. In many cases, A.G candidate who held certificates that
they lose duly elected in their constituencies later heard their names
mentioned as defeated candidates through government news media.
These development including the
summering TIV revolt in the middle belt, the political impasse at the centre
the resulting mass revolt in the western region by the people who felt rightly
that they had been cheated at the polls set the stage for the first military
coup of January 15th 1966.
Again in 1983, the ruling National Party
of Nigerian (NPN) under the leadership of Alhaji Shehu Shagari perpetrated all
sort of electoral atrocities. The voting process, voter’s registration and
actual votes cast were all grossly distorted. To produce the so called band
wagon efforts, the order of election was reversed and voters registers inflated
for example where as the order of elections provider that the presidential
elections be held last, the NPN government decided that these election would
come first.
The National Party of Nigeria (NPN) won
the election with “moon slide” negating all forms of democratic norms and
values as a result from the election rigging democracy was once again aborted
due to the military intervention in 1983. History repeated itself again in the
forth republic, 2003 general election of 2004 was conducted under the Obasanjo
government, these elections (including the various party primaries) will go
down in history as the most fraudulent and equal only to a coup d’ etal against
the people. All commentaries on the 2003 and 2004 election except those from
the PDP government in power are unanimous in their verdict that all aspect of
the election was fraudulent.
He observed that the political space was
not properly defined. Though more political parties were enlisted. The powerful
party among the parties. People democratic party (PDP) took reins of government
by storm some schools of thought believes that the struggle for power in fourth
republic was based on zero tolerance strategy.
In this study the main focus will be to
examine election rigging and it’s disastrous threat to political instability in
Nigeria.
Today it is early seen that the concept “election rigging’ is perceived to be
once successfully employed by a political party to get itself into power; the
tendency is for the party rather than giving up and thereby risk defeat in
further elections perfect its forms and techniques to a point where it become
entrenched as part of the political culture” thereby excluding altogether the
chances of election ever being conducted in a free and fair manner, however,
this act of election rigging has so much be demonstrated and becomes part of
our cities, that hegemonies by that phenomenon rigging. Thus, this struggle led
to a serious competition among political parties an actor which invariably
boils down to election rigging.
Election rigging may assume the
following form, stealing of ballot boxes, inflate of voter’s numbers, ghost
voting control, voting of unregistered voters using of political thugs to mount
pools bribery of electoral officials intimidation by dominant party against
it’s opponents, manipulation of election outcome through the body conducting
election. Evidence bound that the Nigeria electoral process has
always been characterized with such electoral vices.
To buttress the above analysis election
rigging in Nigeria
is a product of the guest of political actors of perpetuate, themselves in
power and thereby using rigging as instrument of main training the statuesque.
1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
Election
rigging as an economic and political factor have threatened the stability of
the Nigeria
political system. Our problem of concern in this research, is to examine the
effect of election rigging on our political system, also, our inability as a
nation to conduct free and fair elections at the national, and sub national
level over the years.
The history of elections and electoral
process in Nigeria has been
one that is characterized by electoral malpractice which enables political
actors to perpetuate themselves in power thereby, elections being mere rituals
instead of representing the popular will of the Nigeria voters.
To what extent has election rigging
threatened the political stability in Nigeria? In the light of this, the
need to undertake this research arose.
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF STUDY
1.
To explore the extent to which
election rigging has on the political stability in Nigeria.
2.
To expose the mechanism of election
rigging
3.
To examine the economic, social and
political effect, election rigging, has caused on the Nigeria
populace.
1.4 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Theories are employed in helping the
researchers to understand and explain political phenomenon. The theoretical
framework chosen for this research is the elite theory. According to elite
theory, man can never be liberated from the subjugation of an elite structure.
The term elite refers to those who excel the classical elite theorists identify
the governing elite in terms of superior personal qualities of those who
exercise power.
In their view power is always exercised
by a small cohesive group of the elite. Elite theory argues that all societies
are divided into two main groups a ruling minority and the ruled, this
situation is inevitable. All political system are usually stratified unto
ruling elite and those that are ruled. the most significant aspect of the
political system is the political elite since they are major group which posses
the higher degree of political power and which make or influence the most
important political decision in the society.
The behaviour of the elite can make or
the level of development in a political state. Since the elite basically, are
concerned with self-perpetuation and preservation, the policies and programmes
they enunciate are geared towards the attainment of their goals. The effort to
preserve and maintain themselves in power usually contradicts the development
effort of the general populace.
On the basis of this theory analysis we
try to clarify the dominance intimidation and party politics that has
characterized the electoral process in Nigeria.
1.5 METHODOLOGY
In
this research work, in order to attain the above stated objectives the
researcher intends to use the following methods as a means of collecting
information relating to this project. Data shall be collected from magazines,
newspapers, journals, textbooks, and websites and most importantly, through
personal observation. This method is chosen because it will afford them to
acquire detailed information from various source to the above problem which is
being researched into and will enable them to have a better understanding of
the effects of election rigging and it’s disastrous consequences to democracy.
1.6 DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS
1. Democracy:
Democracy may be defined as a system of government in which all qualified adult
citizens share the supreme power directly or through their elected
representatives. “Democracy is a system of government which is derived from
public opinion and is accountable to it”
Abraham
Lincoln, whose definition of democracy has become axiomatic defined it as “the
government of the people, by the people, and for the people”. Democracy is also
described as “government by consent of the governed” i.e. government with the
approval of the people being governed. The fusion of the two Greek works Demos
(people) and kratia (rule or government) gave birth to the word democracy.
2. Election: It can be
defined as an act of choosing or selecting candidates who will represent the
people of a country in the parliament and in other positions in the government.
Election is also said to be a contest between competing political parties or
groups for government power.
Elections became imperative as a result
of impossibility of direct representation in the modern states.
3. Rigging: A
major form of pervasion of the electoral processes in the rigging of outcomes
polls usually by the financially strong parties and political privileged citizens
in the party. Rigging entails multiple ballot boxes falsification of some
specific popular political party or candidates.
4. Instability:
This is the situation whereby the smooth running of either the government or
the political system in jeopardy, due to expression of dissatisfaction shown by
the populace through series of demonstration of notes.
1.7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1.
How has election rigging affected the
electoral process in Nigeria?
2.
What are the social economic and
political effects of election rigging in the sustenance of democracy in Nigeria?
3.
Who are those involved in election
rigging in Nigeria?
4.
How are the rights of citizens
affected/denied through election rigging?
5.
How can we restructure the political
system to make it effective?
6.
How can we eradicate election rigging
in Nigeria.
END NOTES
Bello-Imam, I.B (1993) “The 1987/88 local
government elections: challenges of Grassroots democracy in Nigeria” monograph series No 1
Ibadan: Nigerian institute of social and economic research (NISER)
Ologbenla, D.K (2003) Election Rigging
and Nigeria’s
Democracy Daily impendent Tuesday, November.
Pini Jason: 2003 and the threat of
violence an article in vanguard June 26, 2003, page 3.
Nwanbuaze: election rigging and
democracy in Nigeria:
An article in Guardian April 13th 2003, page 29.
CHAPTER TWO
2.1 LITERATURE VIEW
Election
is the cornerstone of democracy. Election is a process through, which the
people chose their leaders and indicate their policies and programme preference
and consequently invest a government with authority to cute. Furthermore
election is crucial to the resolution of conflicting interest in the political
system.
There are copious literature one the
subject under discussion with more emphasis on the effect and its manifestation
of election rigging in our nascent democracy. These effects cannot be ignored
at this stage of global democratic system therefore, it is important to
critically re-examine the modus operandi of the phenomenon and see what can be
done to about it.
Legitimacy is an evaluative and
judgemental schema (Odukoya 2006) lack of perceived political legitimacy is
often expressed through political apathy as demonstrated in poor peoples’ turn
out at campaign rallies and polling stations in 2003 and 2007 Nigeria’s general
elections the to first republic and June 12, 1993 elections. The procedure is
therefore central to legitimizing democracy, eventual public office holders
popular democratic expections, commitments and actual delivery of dividends of
democracy to the people. These factors are necessary for achieving objective
development as defined in contemporary societies. This is because legitimacy
means people are legally elected within the frameworks of popular
participations. As such, politicians especially rulers, supposedly represent
the people who gave them their votes.
There is therefore expected to be a
to-fro relationships between the electorate and their representatives in
defining development needs and best approaches to their achievements in a
manner that enable democratic assessment and quality of governance within democratic
institutionalization and legitimating parameters this is the only way
sustainable development and democratization can be guaranteed. However, where
democratic processes are violated through Kangoroo electoral process that do
not enable transparency and due process that could sustain public
responsibility and accountability, ‘elected’ officials are certain to hold
electorates in disrespect since they (electorates) do not count in their
(political office holders) emergence. On the other hand, unfair electoral deals
make the electorate and the general public lose respect for government in power
which they see as not originating from their (electorates) votes constituted
governments are thus seen as imposters who lack legitimacy and consequently do
not deserve respect and support. These unfortunate scenarios have dangerous
implications for democratic institutionalization and notion of democracy as
popular liberation mechanism.
Agoro (2003) views electoral process as
a threat to democratic stability election it’s self involves conflict and
confrontation it involve people and groups in their bid to have access and
control of power in a given society. He pointed out in this connection that
election rigging is not an act of only parties in order to change the status
quo. But where it becomes a problem is where one out of the group rigged them
out. As a matter of fact, this over political competition party domination and
party zeal for continuity, breed election rigging in nigeria.
There were cases of substitution of
candidates even after primaries bad been concluded. This attested to the
unmistaken potency of the political barons. In Lagos, after Hilda Williams, the widow of
Late Engineer Funso Williams, had emerged victorious at the primaries, she was
later substituted by the party with Senator Musiliu Obanikoro (Omobowale 2008).
In Imo and Rivers states cases of substitution after primaries were repeated
Senate Ifeanyi Ararume was replaced with Engineer Uguwu in Imo state while in
Rivers state Mr. Rotimi Amaechi was replaced with Mr. Celestine Omehia
(Omobowale, 2008). Although less controversial, the emergence of Alhaji Umaru
Yar’a dua as the PDP Presidential flag bearer in 2007 were by no means different
as they were both governors of Adamawa and Katsina states respectively before
being imposed on the political system. While the court intervened successfully
in very few cases, it does not remove the fact that primaries are largely
teleguided by anti democratic forces in Nigeria.
Remi Anifowoshe, sees electoral violence
as a kind of activity carried out in other to achieve political goal and
objective within the context of political power in political era. Therefore,
electoral violence are threat of physical act carried out by an individual or
groups within the political system against individuals or groups or property
within the intention to cause injury or death to person or destruction to
property and whose objectives effects, and political significant tend to modify
the behaviour of others in the existence of power structure that has more
consequences for a political system.
Electoral malpractices in general and
rigging in particular have been institutionalized in our electoral system to
the extent that it has been said that there are some 333 or so ways of rigging
elections, and all but 33 of these were said to have been used in the general
elections only on two previous occasions in 1964 and 1983 have elected civilian
governments supervised general elections. Each was characterized by widespread
vote rigging and violence that left the country to tering. In both cases the
military intervened so afterwards, dismissed the civilian authorities and went
on to hold power for long spells.
According to Humphery Nwosu, the
chairman of the defunct national electoral commission (NEC), elections ad
election results have been problematic for the Nigeria society because of many
reasons. First, the orientation of the Nigerian political elite is such that
those who seek for power see politics as an avenue for making money, a sort of
open source to wealth. To be in power is to control state resources that are
often converted into personal uses.
To re-maintain incumbency, those in
power use all sorts of strategies to ensure the election results favours them.
In the process, an impasse often created as those who lose out cry foul, take
legal and extra-legal steps to redress the injustice. The situation described,
explains to a large degree the rigging, the violence the confusion and chaos
that have characterized most Nigerian elections and the declaration of their
result.
The nature of the party system has been
another key factor that has worked against the evolution of a credible
electoral system in Nigeria.
The fight to win elections is not base in trying to establish alternative plans
for social progress because rival political parties contending for power and
their flag because or candidates are not so much divided over their social and
economic policies and beliefs, but on the basis of personalities and other
parochial sentiments such as regionalism, ethnicity and religious differences.
Politics in Nigeria, by its nature, encourages
political violence. The fight to win an election is not based on established
rival plans for social progress because politicians and political parties are
not so much divided over social and economic policies and beliefs but
personalities and other parochial sentiments. Similarly the politics of the
winner takes all is such that those who were elected to office behave as
delegates of their supporters rather than representatives of all the people.
Hence, to win is to have everything while to lose is to have nothing. This
attitude has raised the stakes higher thereby making politics and winning
elections to be matter of life and death.
The most worrisome behaviour of pursuit
of our politicians is the manner they have intertwined politics with violence.
They are not only ready to recruit and work with political thugs but have come
to accept thugs and violence as “legitimate” part of the political process.
There is hardly any politician or political party in the zone that does not
have a militia group or at least one person who has ties to thugs and has the
capability to organize them (thugs) to attack, main or assassinate a political
rival or destroy political office in furtherance of political interest.
Egbogo (2003) observed that, since
transition programmes history in Nigeria, electoral practices and polls outcome
has always been rigged and as such opposition party possess threat to political
existence. Thus example, when presidential aspirant of All Nigeria People Party
(PDP) under the leadership of President Obasanjo who was proclaim winner of
2003 presidential election. He posts that such threats by opposition aspirants
are regarded as treasonable offences will be examining by the ruling party.
This might lead to arrest to opponents and as such result to social disorder
the thereby thwarting democratic effort.
Pine Jason (2003) remarks that, election
rigging may mar the existence of smaller party among the large party. He says
that a political party which has no chance of ever winning an election will
have lost the raison d’ etre for its existence, what he means here is that such
smaller party will fade away through it’s members defecting on the large party
as the hazards of opposition weigh more and more heavily on them and as such,
making the large party as the only party.
Report also be the transition monitoring
group are indicative of the general texture of the 2003 elections saying that
twenty nine of the registered political parties that either contested or did
not contest in the elections have variously rejected the result. The final
election by a civilian government were the general elections of 2003 and the
local government elections and 2004 election conducted under the Obasanjo
government, these election (include the various party primaries) will go down
in history as the most prevalent and equal, only for a coup debate against the
people. All commentaries on the 2003 and 2004 election, those from the PDP
government in power are unanimous in their verdict that all aspects of the
election was fraudulent.
Since the end of military rule in 1999, Nigeria has not
organized a credible election. To many observers and analysts the nationwide. Elections
in 2003 and 2007 suffered so many shortcomings, which made them perhaps the
most controversial elections in the nation’s political history. INEC that was
vested with the respeonsibility of superintending the elections displayed low
level of competence. The preparation of INEC for the elections has been shoddy,
inadequate and unprofessional. Throughout the 2003 and 2007 nationwide
elections, lack of secrecy of votes, problem of logistics, shortage of election
materials, and late opening of policing have been recurring features. This poor
performance formed basis for which all and sundry have been calling for the
reform of INEC if future elections are to be credible and acceptable.
During the 2003 elections, INEC offices
were also reportedly invaded for ill-conceived intensions some electoral
materials. The security arrangement during the elections in the various parts
of the country was allegedly lopsided. Moreover, there were cases of police complicity
in malpractice, reluctance to intervene in glaring cases of electoral
misconduct by some agents (transition monitoring group (TMG) 2007). Similarly
in the conduct of the 2007 nationwide election, there was no significant
difference in the security arrangement and conduct of the security agencies.
The presence of heavy security personnel in some polling stations did little to
protect the rights of voters and the integrity of the political process.
Political thugs using strong-armed tactics had seemingly unhindered access to
electoral materials and unleashed terror.
Gargantuan fraud has also been a major
pitfall of the post 1999 nationwide election a flurry of brazen electoral banditry
and absurdity has been a noticeable feature. In the 2003 nationwide elections,
there were multiple voting and stuffing of ballot boxes in unauthorized
locations and primate homes. Other irregularities and fraud recorded including
ghost voting under age voting, snatching of ballot boxes and falsification of
results. Some electoral officials were alleged of forming part of the scheme
for fraudulent practices during the elections. According to official statement
by INEC chairman, we have also received reports from some of our staff of
attempts to compromise their integrity through bribery and other forms of
corruption (Ojo 2003:13). By the same token money and other gift items such as
clothes, rice, fish, and salt were un-disgustingly used to influence votes days
before or on polling day. The observer’s reports in the 2007 nationwide
election were not significantly different. The leading political parties were
allegedly involved in the use of huge sum of money for political manipulation
of voter, the INEC officials and security personnel in the polling stations.
END NOTE
Anifowoshe Remi: Violence and the
politics in Nigeria
(Enugu Nok publisher p. 27.
Agoro 2007 election rigging in vanguard August
27th
Pini Jason 2003 “The threat of
violence” an article in the vanguard, June 26th 2003, p. 23.
Odukoya A.O Democracy National
question and legitimacy crisis in Nigeria:
Agenda for national integration in: society and governance: the quest for
legitimacy in Nigeria.
Omobowale A.O 2008 Flawed political
party primaries in Nigeria’s
fourth republic: the case of people’s democratic party African journal for the
psychological study of social issues. 11.2 pp. 282-291.
Ujo, A.A (2003) Strengths and weakness
of Electoral process” in INEC post election 2003 seminar 2003 general elections
are lesson and the way forward, volume 1, proceedings of seminar held at the
conference Hall, international trade fair complex, Kaduna July 28-30
CHAPTER THREE
3.1 CASES OF ELETION RIGGING IN THE 2003, 2007
GENERAL ELECTION
Election
rigging was reviewed in the previous chapter, this chapter shall attempt to analyze
some major electoral malpractice cases in the 2003 and 2007 general election. A
major form of pervasion of electoral processes in the rigging of outcome polls
usually by the financially stronger parties, and political privileged citizens
with the party. This act has over the years manifested itself in the Nigeria
election process since the first republic.
Cases abound in the 2003 and 2007
general elections where there were widespread allegation of falsification of
results through INEC in some state, for instance, there were serious
discrepancies between polling station level result and collection in some constituencies
in Edo, Enugu and Rivers respectively in Delta State cases abound where voters
where denied their right to vote in polling centers but result were announced
in those station, Hammond cars were driven around the cities to threaten voters
to exercise their right in the influence of PDP government.
The 2003 general election was crucial in
various respects. The preparation for the 2003 election started with the
initiation of the electoral bill intented to correct the legal defects of the
1999 general election. But the electoral bill, which was passed in 2002,
generated a lot of controversies as the original objective was sub-ordinate for
selfish interest.
However, with 120,00 polling stations across
the country the task of managing the elections to ensure success was beyond the
staff strength of INEC. Thus, the INEC decided to recruit ad hoc personnel to
assist in the management of the election. The moral integrity of most of the
personnel was suspect and the opposition parties question their impartiality.
The opposition political parties alleged that many of the personnel (ad-hoc and
resident electoral commissioners) of the INEC were card-carrying members of the
ruling PDP (TMG 2002).
The party primaries, preparatory to the
2003 elections were held by the various parties to choose credible candidates
for the different elective offices in the country. Some parties imposed
atrocious fees to edge out many aspirants. Some tinkered with party
constitution to pave wave for the emergence of certain candidates as party
nominees. Others imposed their candidates as party nominees on the various
constituencies. These flaws sparked off a lot of conflicts to the point that
some party national secretariats (e.g PDP and ANPP) became theatres of
violence. Also, they witnessed numerous inter-party clashes, violence,
bloodbath, at lacks and killings.
The outcome of the election generated
furious reactions from the opposition parties. The defeated AD in the southwest
threatened to re-anact the operation wetie of the first republic. The
opposition parties severally and collectively under the aejis of the Conference
of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP) rejected the election result, and called
on the international community not to recognize any government constituted on
the basis of the 2003 election.
Over 56% of the 2003 nationwide election
outcome was challenged in court (Haruna 2003). Expect for the Anambra state
governorship election that was upturned the election. It took a long time for
the ripples of the 2003 general election to completely settle. On July 10,
2003, the Anambra state governor, Dr. Chris Ngige was abduded and forcefully
ousted from office in a plot master minded by Chris Uba who allegedly claimed
to have bankrolled his election. Also, the defeated ANPP presidential candidate
General Buhari on September 23, 2003 in deference for refused police permit
organized mass rally in Kano
to support his legal battled against the election of President Obasanjo of the
PDP.
The response of the ruling PDP to the
criticism and condemnations of the 2003 general election was militaristic,
hostile and bellicose. The EU election observers team was accused of plotting
to destabilize the country base on its reports on the election. Leading
opposition parties that attempt to hold rallies were hounded either by refusal
of police permit of imposition of prohibitive sums of money to be paid for the
use of venues. In fact, the actions and utterances of opposition parties were
linkened to ‘coup’ (Ogbodo 2003). This tension soaked atmosphere was carried
through the second term tenure of president Obasanjo and into the preparation
for the 2007 nationwide election.
THE 2007 ELECTIONS
The 2007 general election is significant
in several respects. First, it was the first second consecutive elections under
any civilian administration. Furthermore, it was the first election intended to
ensure the change of leadership from one president to another. Thus, the
election was regarded as a test case for deepening Nigeria’s nascent democracy. Also,
the successful conduct of the election was a matter of international concern.
As the saying goes, “How goes Nigeria,
so goes the rest of Africa” (Ibrahim 2007).
Thus, with the conduct of the 2007 election Nigeria become a cynosure of
international attention.
After the failure of the attempted third
bid, there was perhaps virtually no much time left to improve on the weak
electoral law used in the 2003 election. In fact, only little amendments were
made and passed in June 2006. Thereafter dangerous signals of unsuccessful
conduct of the election unfolded as expressed in the electoral and political
Shenaigans of both the INEC and some of the political parties. The preparation
of the INEC for the 2007 election was shoddy. The voter’s registration exercise
was characterized by a lot of inadequacies lapses and irregularities, which
crystallized in the disenfranchisement of many qualified persons who attempted
to register (Osa 2006). Besides, some leading PDP members in connivance with
INEC were alleged to have hijacked the process (Osa 2006).
Furthermore, the party primaries in the
lead up to the 2007 general election were characterized by undemocratic
conducts, internal wrangling contradictions, which resulted in carpet crossing
and defection from the leading parties to newly registered parties such as the
Action Congress Peoples Progressive Alliance (PPA), Labour Party (LP) and
Accord.
The election, which was staggered for
April 14 and 21 was organized anid heavy security presence. The April 14, 2007
poll was held to elect the 36 state governors and members of the state assembly
across the country. The conduct of the elections in most states of the
federation was said to have totally failed to meet the basic requirements of an
election. Across the country, most polling stations did not open at all, with
no official and voting materials. Where voting did occur, it was reported that
the voting in key states including Anambra, Cross River, Delta, Ekiti, Enugu,
Katsina, Lagos, Osun, Oyo, Rivers and Zamfara was fundamentally flawed (Umunnakwe
2007).
In spite of the heavy security presence
in some polling stations, the security force and the government officials did
little to protect the rights of voters and the integrity of the process.
Several voters were deprived of the opportunity to cast their ballots, some
stayed away from the polling stations and some died due to election related
violence. The election was allegedly rigged in favour of the ruling PDP.
According to some observers such as
human rights watch, the election was marred by non-availability of voting
materials, late commencement of voting, massive disenfranchisement of potential
voters, brazen rigging intimidation and violence (Onyemaizu 2007). Owing to the
flurry of imperfections and irregularities, which marred the elections the INEC
had to schedule re-run elections in the most affected areas.
A further revelation of the election was
that some of the states also maintained the voting tradition and pattern, which
first manifested during the patently controversial 2003 nationwide elections.
Like the 2003 election the most. Outrageous figures were recorded from the
states such as Rivers in the South-South region. The general disappointment and
dissatisfaction by the local populace with the announced results of the
election propeued them to embark on protest in several states such as Edo,
Ekiti, Oyo, Kaduna
and Katsina. Following the determination in the orgy of violence over the
election led some of the state government to impose dusk to dawn curfew
(Onyemaizu 2007).
In the conduct of the April 21 election
there was no significant improvement on the lapses that were noticeable in the
April 14 elections. Although there was visible presence of heavily armed security
personnel at various polling station, the election was not without hitches. The
election was marred by late arrival of electoral materials, ballot box
snatching, illegal thumb printing, intimidation and outright violence
confrontation. There was low voter turnout and apathy. The election was allegedly
rigged in favour of the ruling PDP. During the election, leading political
manipulation of voters, INEC officials, and security agents deployed to provide
security in the political process. For instance, it was alleged that one of the
leading political parties in certain area paid each INEC. Presiding officer at
the polling station N3,000 and the clerk N2,000 each policemen N1,000 and about
N200 for vote. (Democratic Social Movement (DSM) 2007).
Nevertheless, the outcome of the
election generated dangerous reactions across the country. Leaders of the
opposition parties under the platform of the conference of Nigerian political
parties (NPP) rejected the outcome of the election and called for the
constitution of interim National Government of Unity with threats to cause
civil unrest on the handover date. Besides, the organized labour and civil
society groups rejected and protested against the malpractice, which attented
the conduct of the election. On Friday, May 18 2007 members of the Nigerian Bar
Association (NBA) stayed away from courts and election tribunal in protest over
the flaws, which characterized the election. The Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC)
and some civil society groups such as the campaign for Democracy embarked on
protest march in various part of the country over the malpractices that marred
the election.
Cases also witnessed in the 2003 and
2007 general elections could not hold because of violence and late distribution
of electoral materials in Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Anambra, Delta, Enugu, Kogi and Zamfara states.
The coalition comprising seventeen
political parties went to court challenging the outcome of the presidential action.
The fallout of the flaws and failures of the election was a myriad of petitions
at the election tribunals about 60% of the election results were contested at
the various election tribunals across the country (Access for credible election
(ACC) 2001). Many of the controversial victories has been reversed, from
governorship, House of Assembly, House of Representative to the senate. In
some, the tribunal or court caused for the immediate installation of the
rightful candidate. In some states such as Edo
and Ondo, the court ordered the immediate vacation of office of the earlier
governorship candidates declared by INEC as winners in the election and
subsequently ordered immediate installation of the rightful winners. In other
state such as Kogi, Bayelsa and Ekiti, re-runs were respectively ordered. The
re-runs were, however, not any way better. They were marred by flurry of
irregularities malpractices and violence.
3.2 ELECTION RIGGING AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR DEMOCRACY
Whole
sole election rigging has disastrous consequences for democracy because it
deprives elections of their essential purpose as a popular basis for
government.
The consequences of election rigging on
the evolution of a real democratic culture are many. They include first, the
under-running of the choice of the people, which can be, equated with
under-running the basis of democracy itself i.e. free choice. For the equality
of an election and of any democracy for that matter lies in the extent to which
those who have the right to vote and be voted for freely make their choice.
Secondly, those whose choice is denied may resort to violence as a means of
ventilating their anger and disapproval of what happened.
Thirdly, where electoral malpractices
have made free and fair elections impossible, then cynicism and apathy will
develop with people believing that whether they vote or not stand for elections
or not, it will not make any difference.
Fourthly, those who rig to win elections
can hardly be responsible to the demand and wish of their people or more
serious, be accountable to them. Lastly, the legitimacy of the government and
the people’s identification with, and support of the political system are
almost always in question.
By and large, election held in Nigeria
at federal state and local levels serve as rituals or legitimizing devices than
as mechanisms if facilitating genuine popular participation and control if
democracy is to ever flourish in Nigeria. Then the condition necessary for it
to develop must be created. Part of this process of creating a conducive
political culture involves identifying and addressing the problems posed by the
factors militating against the conduct of free ad fair election.
The April-Mau 2003 and 2007 election
returned President Olusegun Obasanjo and the ruling People’s Democratic Party
(PDP) to power for a second term. More than one hundred people were killed in
political violence during the lection period and many more in the preceding
months, the worst violence took place in the south east including Rivers,
Delta, Bayelsa and Ebonyi state. Much of the violence were carried out by
supporters of the PDP who wired and armed groups of young men to attack
intimidate their rivals. Some of the larger opposition parties such as the All
Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) used similar methods and also killed and injured
supporters of rival candidates during the elections but most the victims were
rank and filed supporters of different party .some of the least violence
occurred where armed supporters of different parties clashed openly, causing
death and injuries on both side. The election where also characterized by
widespread fraud and ballot rigging. All the political parties partook in the
deadly democratic disease (rigging) but it was observed that one out of the
political parties was the master rigger. Instances of electoral rigging in Nigeria during
the 2003 and 2007 action of officially reported as follow:
In Ondo state, during the gubernational
and presidential election, eighty-two persons including the former commission
for natural resources and the commissioner for information, Mr. Bain Ayikoya
were arrested low unlawful possession of voters card, assauct on police and
conducts likely to breach peace.
In Kwara state fitly-two persons were
arrested for alleged electoral offences including unlawful possession of ballot
paper fighting during the action, stealing of ballot boxes and shooting
incident in which a voter was wounded.
Also in Edo
state, according to press release during the senatorial house of representative
and gubernatorial election the most prevalent offences committed were ballot
boxes shuffled with thumb print ballot papers, law enforcement agents helping
to thumb print shooting and chasing away of voters on queue injacking of
polling centers by the supporters of People Democratic Party (PDP). It was
observed that the gubernatorial elections between PDP and CAN candidates were
unlawful were police were chasing CAN candidates and voters who were protesting
for the result of the elections that was rigged by PDP parties.
Although the election was peaceful where
certain voting centres announced the results of the election.
In Akwa Ibom state during the
gubernatorial and Presidential election press reported that the laws
enforcement agents were in collaboration with politician to scare opponents for
polling centres, receiving bribes for politician to shift ballot boxes absent
from study an election day, failed to act in the fact of violence, rigging and
conclusion with political party agents and things to stuff ballot boxes.
Also in Etiti state according to police
release during the gubernatorial actions no fewer than sixty-four person were
arrested for possession of weapons and charms
Again in Nasarawa state, during
gubernatorial and presidential actions, fifty-two person were arrested for
indiscriminate shooting on election day, unlawful possession of take ballot
papers and seizures of police file.
In Ile-ife, during the gubernatorial and
presidential election cases where PDP agent were said to have driven agents of
the other parties away to enable them thumb print ballot papers in favour of
their party. Voters who would not vote for PDP were also warned to leave the
polling center.
Majority of the election lacks
legitimacy of the moral authority that popularity mandate bestows. In view of
this, an election does not of course completely lose its legitimacy effects on
government because it is rigid. The very fact of an election the processes
through which it takes places have by themselves an inherently legitimizing
effects, apart all together from the vote of those, albeit a minority,
supporting the party that rigged itself into office purely by force,
appointment or inheritance this process of continuity in offices, which breeds
electoral malpractice, negates the democratic norms.
This Okadigbo is of the view that the
role of the hero would remain vacant in difficult to file until mediocre stop
finding their way to power. He further argues that election rigging undermine
the principle of democracy. He posts that “the principle of welfare of the
people being object of government. Victory at an election must be related and
unked to ability to secure and promote the people’s welfare and that a
government which has to performed well in this aspect forfeit all claims to
have its mandate renewed. This principle postulate election as the people ultimate
and most effective method weapon for enforcing a government responsibility to
it. Thus, through election rigging government can be assumed against the vote
of the majority of the electors. Then ability to perform on a record of
achievement court for nothing in an election. Again, no matter how much the
people’s approval of the governments performance and however how much they
desire to change. Rigging of elections outcome can be used to subject their
wishes as expressed in their votes at an election. Furthermore from the stand
point of political parties and their candidates, rigging deprives election of
its character as a competition in which all the contestants can equally aspire
to win. To aborate, this view in Nigeria’s first republic and later
party of the second republic, the struggle for power was based on the
winner-take-all approach and where the possession of political power determined
the distribution of other sources of power in the society, the quest for
political power became a matter of life and death. Therefore action in these
circumstance cannot be a competition in any meaningful sense of the word and
without the competition for power, politics loses the assence. Thus for
instance Nwabueze (2003) says that “An election context in which the reasuit is
not determined by the vote’s lawfully cast for the contestant but for the
fraudulent manipulation is a Mockery of the very idea for a composition”.
Moveover, election rigging is a tragic aberration more for what is portends for
the future than for the harm he has done in the past and present.
From this two further implication
follows first, a political party which has no chance of ever winning an
election will have lost the raisodeter of its existence. This entails that the
ruling party will eventually emerged as the only part for all piratical
purpose.
This was the case of the fourth and
fifth republic. Political parties where the People Democratic Party (PDP)
emerged as the only party to sweep all polls. A far more implication is that
when rigging of elections became unavailing as a means of changing a
government. Violence with possible breakdown of law and order might result.
These anti-democratic antidote prevail the stability of democracy in first and
second republic.
Election rigging seems to attract
violence disturbances, almost is an inevitable reaction. The two forces are
clearly correlated from the point view of their implication for democracy. It
does not matter where the violence disturbances are spontaneous or are liated by leaders of some political
parties. However the might have started, they simply demonstrate the kind of
danger which election rigging poises for law and order and the rule of law. And
a climate, water, air or any ting else. The Nigeria problem is the
unwillingness or inability of its leader to rise up to the responsibility to
the challenge of personal example which is the hallmarks of true leadership.
The nature of electoral process since independence hardly give room for the
best and tharinghtest to exercise leader’s hegemony. Thus leadership problem of
the state has created serious setback in attainment of a viable electoral
processes and democratic development. This has adversely constituted processes
and democratic development. This has also adversely constituted serious and
intensified election rigging and electoral violence in Nigeria
electoral processes.
This Okadigbo is of the view that, what Nigeria need is
a guduitahe leadership. Highly educated and must be capable of engaging in
rational and objective judgement. Therefore, it is pertinent to not that
election rigging and electoral violence which has become a stumbung block to
achieving democratic due to failure on the part of leadership.
To elaborate this view, Gramsci concept
of hegemony will be used as a tool to analyses election rigging and electoral
violence as a leadership failure in Nigeria electoral processes. Gramsci
conceptualized hegemony as cultural and ideological which means the method by
which the ruling class obtain consent of the governor is performed by the
intellectuals of the ruling class who diffuse the worldview of dominant class
to all aspect of society to the extent it becomes a common sense “motion” of
society not questionable.
This
the ruling class aid did not reset to force to maintain their domination by
massively and predomination imposing their will on society through the exercise
of their intellectual and moral leadership. As pointed out by Charles Tilly
“Men seeking to seize, hold or treaung the levels of power have continually
engaged in collective violence as part of their struggles”. Thus primordial
protection breed unbridle political competition among the dominant class which cultimate
in violence as the struggle for ascendancy.
Obviously,
in this context, election rigging and electoral violence are due to failure of
the political elite to deliver. The various electoral processes since independence
in Nigeria,
the political elite has not exercise moral and intellectual laziness and spiritual
penury of the ruling class. The electoral act has one time or the other be
breached by the ruling class. The election act has at one time or the other be
breached by the ruling elites in order for such act to favour them again,t eh
legitimacy of government rest squarely or its ability to identify the ideology
that bound the society to gather. This can only be achieved through violable
leadership thus, when the state falls to continue to serve as platform from
individual to attain their potential, the citizens tend to find alternative
means to changing the government through electoral weapon the leaders to tend
to use the mechanism of rigging to perpetuate themselves in government no
matter was it takes.
The
portrait of Nigeria politicians as of today is one whose thought are immuned by
Kwashiokor minds and ravaged by self enrichment and ideas inflicted by
syphilis. If the first republic politicians are ten per centers and there’s no
doubt that, like the second republic politicians. These politicians are inept
concept and irresponsible. The second republic politicians used money to
manipulate results but today’s politicians use both money and naked power play
to secure victory.
What
we need at this stage of our development and democratic life is a visionary and
dedicated leadership to syndicate and synchronize our political culture ideas
with political potentials to move the country beyond a “mere rigging of
election”.
REFERENCES
Ibrahim, J. (2007) Nigeria’s 2007
elections”, Unites States institute of peace special repot, January
Ogbodo, J.A (2003) Balogun’s post
election albatross”, the guardian, Sunday, June 22.
Osa, D. (2006) A gathering storm,
insider weekly December 25 Transition monitoring group (TMG) preliminary report
on the gubernatorial and presidential elections on Saturday April 19, 2003” the
punch, Thursday, April 24, 2003 p. 17.
Pini Jason (2003) The threat of
violence An article in the vanguard, June 26, 2003, p. 24.
CHAPTER
FOUR
4.1 SUMMARY
In
this chapter, my findings as regards to election rigging and political
instability in Nigeria
fourth republic shall be summarized. The phenomenon of election rigging in Nigeria
electoral process emerged as a result of the experience in the 1st
and 2nd republic. Prior to this, anti-democratic norms; the various
electoral process that have been conducted in Nigeria has always been
characterized with electoral vices, indeed, I did mention in my analysis that
during the first republic, there was a blatant rape on the democracy through
the ugly nature of election rigging in Nigeria. The election was characterized
with all sorts of anti-democratic norms and such as the negative principles of
democracy. As a result the “Kaki Boy” see it as a loophole to come into
policies (1966 coup d’ atat).
Also,
in this study a touch was made on how the electoral vices that occurred in the
first re-appeared in the second republic electoral process thereby negating the
democratic norms and values which resulted to abortion of that democratic
transition through military takeover (1983). One fundamental implication of
this transition is that our political leaders never learn. The fear of election
rigging and its aftermaths which sometimes result to electoral violence are
never put into consideration. This is so because the ends justify the means in Nigeria
electoral system. This research work observed that, the electoral vice that
circumvented the first and second republic re-occurred in the fourth republic.
Thus, the general tend of circumvention of electoral processes of the third and
fourth republic was even of greater dimension than what was experienced during
the 1979 and 1983 election. Again the research work revealed abundant cases of
electoral malpractices in the 2003 and 2007 general elections. In view of these
vices, it has been observed that, election processes bring hatred, violence,
confraternity, deformation of character, rigging of polls outcome intimidation
of political opponents through the use of security agents. Election rigging is
due to power struggle which lend to a serious competition among political
actors which invariably boils down to total control of the system even though
it means death. This is also because, rigging is a produce of the quest of
political actors to perpetuate themselves in power and thereby, using rigging
as an instrument of maintaining the status quo. This project also revealed the
disastrous consequences of election rigging to democracy. Election raging deprives
election of their essential purpose as a popular basis for government. This is
so because, a government which, by electoral malpractice, keeps himselves
against the votes of the majority lacks legitimacy.
4.2 CONCLUSION
Empirically,
the record of election rigging in transition to democracy programmes in Nigeria has not
been impressive. Democracy as a concept, with it’s robust element have not been
allowed to strive in nigeria
by members of the political class. The first indigenous romance Nigeria had
with democracy was during the first republic 1963-1966. The second republic was
born, yet the political actors, seem not to have learnt their lesion in view of
the military interre grium for thirteen years.
Election rigging is a tragic aberration
more for what it portends for the future than for the harm. Election rigging
seem to attract violence, disturbances almost as an inevitable reaction. This
two are clearly correlated form the point of view of their implication as a
threat for political stability. It does not matter whether the disturbances are
spontaneous or are incited by political leaders. However, they simply
demonstrate the kind of danger which election rigging poses for law and order
and for the rule of law. A breakdown of law and order might well attract
intervention by the military as observed in the fist and second republic.
Even without a breakdown of law ad order
intervention by the military might be provoked by election rigging. A
government which by election rigging makes itself irremovable is definitely
inviting its own overthrown by the military as the only means of change in the
circumstance. Element within the political class and the different political
parties draving from their experience during the 1788 voters registration
process perfected that art of rigging the 2003 general elections. The full
impart of their action dawned on the country when INEC on its own excluded
millions of names from the voters
register, from the report of domestic election. Observes during the 2003 elections,
there are so many voters cards that are still in the hands of “Ghost” and under
age voters.
Those who sought to corrupt the
electoral process used those cards effectively and to their advantage during
the three strands of elections conducted by INEC. It is now historical reality
that no electoral instrument in the history of Nigeria has been so challenged and
so thoroughly discredited like the electoral Act 2001. the electoral act 2002
has also had its own fair share of controversy and nobody can now say with
certainty whether the operative law is the electoral Act 2001 or 2002 Act.
Today’s politicians, or the fourth
republic politicians use money and naked power play to secure victory with the
emergency of god-fatherism. It is certain that politics has assumed an
investment status that must yield profit at cost. No matter the attempt at the
democratic process in Nigeria,
it is our belief that until we evolve a home groom constitution, the inability
of a stable democratic process in Nigeria shall remain a mirage and
the incidence of electoral corruption shall blossom.
4.3 RECOMMENDATION
As
observed in this research work, a major form of pervasion of the electoral
process is rigging of outcomes polls which have over the years contributed to
the setback of political development or political stability in Nigeria. The
question now is what should be due measure to abate this political phenomena. One
of our electoral process as observed in this research work, is the lack of
independence of the election umpire from the days of the federal electoral
commission (FEDECO) to independent Nation electoral commission (INEC) they have
been tied to the apron strings of the ruling government.
I, thereby recommend that election
governing body can only be independent if it does not depend on the government
for fund. A certain percentage of the electoral commission treasury, this will
enable them, carry out some specified functions without loaming for grant from
the federal government. This will make it an autonomous body. This ways, they
cannot only call the shots but the bluff of the government.
Also, voluntary organizations should
help to give proper orientation to the electorate in regards to level
ignorance. Therefore, these organization should give proper orientation to them
on how to vote, how to thumb print, ho to identify political parties symbols
and possibly, teach them the qualities to consider in selecting a credible
leader.
Election materials should be put in
place before fixing election date, proper arrangement for transportation and communication
for effective distribution of election materials to various wards should be
made available. This measure will help to enhance the effective conducting of
elections in future. Fund raising in political parties should be abolished
because such funds are used to champion strategies for election rigging.
The law enforcement agents (police)
should be called to order and proper orientation, training should be given to
them on how to monitor, maintain peace and combat violence during election
process. Extra judicial killings torture, ill treatment, arbitrary arrest and
extortion remain the hallmarks of the Nigeria police, despite repeated promises
of reform by, senior government and police officers, all lnese acts should be
looked into so that the issues of conspiracy with politicians to rig elections
will be ensconced.
Another loophole observed in this
research work, is the measure adopted by the election governing bodies from the
days of FEDECO to INEC in redrawing results in piece meal. It has been observed
that this single act is to enable them to perfect their evil mechanization.
This evil act was experienced during the 2003 general elections by INEC. I
therefore, recommend that for all election in Nigeria, election results should be
published with a breakdown by polling stations to enhance the transparency in
the process and this will help to increase confidence in the final release of
results in future. It is very necessary that recommendations are put into practice.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Agoro 2007: Election rigging in
Vanguard August 27th
Anifowoshe Remi: Violence and the
politics in Nigeria
(Enugu Nok publisher p. 27.
Bello-Iman, I.B (1993) “the 1987/88 local
government election: challenges of grassroots democracy in Nigeria”, monography series No. 1
Ibadan: Nigerian institute of social and economic researcher (NISER)
Easton
David: A approach to the analysis of political system world political 1957.
Ibrahim J. (2007) Nigeria’s 2007 elections, United States
institute of peace special report, January
Nwanbuaze: Election rigging and
democracy in Nigeria:
An article in Guardian, April 13th 2003, page 29.
Odukoya A.O Democracy national
question and legitimacy crisis in Nigeria:
Agenda for national integration, in society and governance the quest for
legitimacy in Nigeria.
Ogbodo, J.A (2003) Balogun’s post
election Albatross”, the Guardian, Sunday June 22.
Ologbenla, D.K (2003) Election rigging
and Nigeria’s
democracy daily independent, Tuesday, November 11
Omobowale A.O 2008 Flawed political
party primaries in Nigeria’s
fourth republic: the case of people’s democratic party African journal for the
psychological study of social issues. 11.2 pp. 282-291.
Osa, D. (2006) A gathering storm,
insider weekly December 25 Transition monitoring group (TMG) preliminary report
on the gubernatorial and presidential elections on Saturday April 19, 2003” the
punch, Thursday, April 24, 2003 p. 17.
Pini Jason (2003) “The threat of
violence” an article in the Vanguard, June 26th 2003, p. 23
Ujo, A.A (2003) Strengths and weakness
of Electoral process” in INEC post election 2003 seminar 2003 general elections
are lesson and the way forward, volume 1, proceedings of seminar held at the
conference Hall, international trade fair complex, Kaduna July 28-30
MAGAZINES
Newswatch magazines, Lagos, 20th January 1986
Tell magazines, January 6, 2003N
Tell magazine, August 4, 2003
Tel magazine, March 24 2003
Tell magazine April 14, 2003
NEWSPAPERS
Guardian, April 15, 2003 p. 23
Vanguard, June 26, 2003, p. 23
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