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critical appraisal on the procedure for the appointment of judicial officers in nigeria pdf


TABLE OF CASES

A.G. Cross Rivers State V Esin (1991) 6 N.W.L.R (Pt. 197) 365
A.G. Federation V. Atiku Abubakar (2007) All F.W.L.R (pt. 375) 405
A.G. Lagos State V. A.G. Federation (2004) 18 N.W.L.R (pt. 904).
A.S.H.A V Tijani (2012) 8 N.W.L.R. (pt. 1303) 483
Adebayo V Kolawole (1985) 6 NCLR 709
Agakaiye V. Idehai (1994) 18 N.W.L.R (Pt. 364) 504
Amaechi V. INEC (2008) 5 NWLR (pt. 1080) 227
Bello V A.G. Lagos State (2007) 2 N.W.L.R (pt. 1017) 115
Biishi V Judicial Service Commission (1991) 6 N.W.L.R. (Pt. 177) 331
Bronik Motors V Wema Bank (1985) 6 NCLR 1
Buhari V INEC (2008) 19 N.W.L.R (pt. 1120) 246
Commandclem Nig. Ltd V Mobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited (Unreported) Suit No: S.C. 69/2011 decided April 8, 2013
Egbuniwe V. F.G.N (2010) 2 N.W.L.R. (Pt. 1178) 348
Erelu-Habeeb V National Judicial Council (2012) 13 NWLR (pt. 1318) 423
Ikharaiale V. Okoh (2009) 12. N.W.L.R. (Pt 1154) 1
Inakoju V. Adeleke (2007) 27 NSCRR 958
Ladoja V. INEC (2007) NWLR (pt. 1047) 115
Lakanmi & Anor V. A.G. Western State (1971) I.U.L.R. 201
N.N.P.C V Lutin Investment Ltd & Anor (2006) 2 N.W.L.R (pt. 965) 506
Nabaruwal V Offordili (2005) 1 FWLR (pt. 248) 858
Obi V INEC (2007) 11 N.W.L.R (Pt. 1046) 565
Ohaji V. Unamka (2011) 4 N.W.L.R. (pt. 1236) 148
Olisa Agbakoba V F.G., NJC & National Assembly, Unreported Suit No. FHC (ABJ/CS/63/2013).
Salvador V INEC (2012) 7 N.W.L.R (Pt.1300) 417
SBM Serv. (Nig.) Ltd & Ors V Okon & Ors (2004) 9 N.W.L.R (pt. 879) 529
Sirros V Moore (1974) 3 AER 776
The Secretary, Iwo Central L.G. V Adio (2000) 8 NWLR (Pt. 667) 115
Ugwu V. Ararume (2007) 12 NWLR (Pt. 1048) 367
Umanah V Attah (2006) 17 N.W.L.R (Pt 1009) 503

TABLE OF STATUTES
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999
Federal Revenue Court Decree No 13, 1975
Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 1843, 1893
National Judicial Council Guidelines and Procedural Rules 2003
Ordinance No. 11 1863
Supreme Court Proclamation Order No. 6, 1910
United Nations Basic Principles.


ABBREVIATION
All F.W.L.R All Federation Weekly Law Reports
CFRN       Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
CJN          Chief Justice of Nigeria
FJSC        Federal Judicial Service Commission
FWLR       Federation Weekly Law Reports
J.S.C        Judicial Service Commission
N.J.C        National Judicial Council
NBA         Nigerian Bar Association
NCLR       Nigeria Constitutional Law Reports
NICN                National Industrial Court of Nigeria.
NSCQR    Nigerian Supreme Court Quarterly Reports
NWLR       Nigerian Weekly Law Reports
U.I.L.R     University of Ife Law Reports


ABSTRACT
        The Nigeria system of government is divided into three arms of government which is the Executive, Legislative and Judicial arm of government. The Judiciary is the third arm of government and its primary duty is to administer Justice.
        This research will focus on the procedure for the appointment of Judicial Officers in Nigeria and therefore intended to critically examine the Judicial arm of government and Laws regulating Judicial officers in Nigeria.
        Chapter one which is the introductory chapter will consider the three arms of government i.e. separation of powers and the Nature of Judicial Power.
        Chapter two will bother on the qualification and procedure for the appointment and removal of judicial officers and the challenges they face in the course of duty.
        Chapter three will dwell on the independence of the Judiciary.
        Chapter four which is the concluding part summarizes this research and includes some recommendation to remedy the situation substantially if not totally.



CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.0.    Background to the Study
The theme of this work is apt in the light of the current national discourse, bothering on the judiciary and justice delivery. One of such discourse is the unresolved appointment of the chief Judge of Rivers State [1]caused by the row between the Rivers State Government and the National Judicial Council. To every human being, all over the world; justice is the oxygen of a good life. Socio-political and economic existence depend on proper delivery of this invaluable commodity.1
The evolvement of the judiciary can be traced to the principle of separation of powers. John Locke and Baron de Montesquieu dominated the early formulation of the doctrine of separation of powers[2]. In fashioning this political formulation, the renowned jurist, Locke having observed the prevailing political conditions in England in the 17th century, concluded that arbitrariness in governance was a product of concentration of all governmental powers in one authority. The diffusion of authority among different centers of decision making is the “thesis to totalitarism or absolution”.[3] The doctrine clearly provides for the three arms of government; the executive, the legislature and the judiciary and their independence.
The Nigerian Judiciary has in recent times come up against a bulwark of onslaught against its integrity and an erosion of its public image ranging from accusations of financial material compromise, manipulations from the political elitist class and weak agencies. Against the backdrop of recent public perceptions on the judiciary, the following are the key areas upon which this essay shall be built: separation of powers, the general process appoints of the Nigerian bench; tenure of judges and independence of the judiciary as well as the nature of judicial power.
1.1 Separation of Powers
The doctrine of separation of powers, developed in the 17th century in an effort to ensure division of state authority into legislative, executive and judicial function and the performance of such functions by separate branches of government. Among the components of separation of powers are the trias politica doctrine and the establishment of checks and balances on the actions of the various branches of government. Motesquieu argues that the reason for the separation of powers is that there can be political freedom in a country where one and the same person or body of persons makes the laws, implements them, and acts as arbiter when they are contravened.[4]      In his words he posits: [5]
Political liberty is to be found only when there is no abuse of power. Experience shows that every man invested with power will abuse it by carrying as far as it will go. To prevent this abuse, it is necessary from the nature of things that one power should be a check on another… When the legislature, Executive and Judicial power are united in the same person or body…, there can be no liberty…Again there is no liberty if the judicial power is not separated from the legislative and executive… There would be an end of everything if the same person or body, whether of the nobles or of the people, were to exercise all three powers.

        Separation of powers means that different persons or different bodies of persons should exercise the powers of the three arms of government i.e., the legislature, executive and judicial arms. Our own form of separation of powers is fashioned after the American system. The idea of this system is the provision of effective checks and balances in the government structure itself. Under the principles of separation of powers enshrined in our constitution, the three organs of government are independent, equal and co-ordinate. No organ is controlled by the other, although each acts as a check on the other. By virtue of sections 4, 5 and 6, the powers of the federal Republic of Nigeria are shared among the Legislature, Executive and Judiciary respectively[6].
        Separation of powers as enshrined in our constitution has been applied by the courts in the celebrated case of Lakanmi & Anor. V A.G Western State[7] the Supreme Court observed:
We must here revert again to the separation of powers, which the learned Attorney-General himself did not dispute, is still the structure of our system of government. In this absence of anything to the contrary it has to be admitted that the structure of our Constitution is based on the separation of powers –the Legislature, the Executive and the judiciary. Our Constitution clearly follows the model of the American Constitution. In the distribution of powers, the courts are vested with the exclusive rights to determine justiciable controversies between citizens and the state.

The Court of Appeal formulated some fundamental principles to explain why separation of powers is desirable, in these words.

The doctrine of separation of powers as enshrined in the constitution ensures the independence of each of the arms of government, that is, the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. Each acts separately but within the confines of the Constitution”[8]

Since the government of Nigeria, pursuant to the 1999 Constitution, which is founded on the principle of separation of powers, the executive cannot usurp the legislative powers of the legislature, nor can the judiciary do so. In Ikhariale v Okoh[9] the need for the court not to engage in legislative function was stated. It was held that the court at what ever level in the judicial hierarchy is not authorized, and is ill-equipped to embark on the execution of a duty constitutionally and exclusively reserved for the legislature. It cannot do so in a pretended interpretation of words which are clear and unambiguous in their natural, grammatical and literal meaning, with reference to the context in which law makers use them.
Accordingly neither the executive nor the legislature is expected to usurp the judicial functions/powers. The court of appeal per Agho J.C.A states this position thus:
The constitution is clear as to who should perform judicial acts. And since it is the exclusive function of the judiciary to exercise judicial function, any member of the executive who interferes with those functions must be prepared to face the consequence of such interloping conduct by way of an action by a person aggrieved.[10]

The judiciary should not also usurp the powers of the executive arm. In Ohaji v Unamka[11] it was held that where there is a statutory provision for making an order or a declaration and making same is reposed in a named office, whether minister or a commissioner, or indeed whether the President of the Republic or Governor of a State, such function cannot be usurped by the court. The furthest a court can go is to declare as to the validity or otherwise of an order or declaration of a public officer, but the court has not got the jurisdiction to take over the functions of such public officer by making its own order or declaration as against the statutory provisions.
        However a court will strike down a law or act of the legislative or executive respectively, where the legislative or the executive in the exercise of their legislative or executive duties, breaches any constitutional provision in respect of a particular matter they are dealing with[12]. This is called judicial intervention which is used to prevent breach of the constitution. Yakubu J.C.A posits:
It is because of the non-compliance with the provision of section 100(5) of the 1999 constitution by the appellants as contended vide the 1st-22nd respondent’s notice, in enacting the Law no. 6 of 2008, that the said law can be faulted.[13]

There is an extent to which separation of powers is desirable. Although powers may be separated, the interest or order and progress demands that such powers be at the same time co-ordinate. It is only essential that one organ of government does not have a controlling influence over another. As it has been said, the theory of predominance is the controlling factor. As long as one organ of government does not and cannot dominate the proceedings of another organ of government, there is separation of powers.[14]
        The constitution and indeed the other Republican Constitutions of 1963 and 1979 of the Federal Republic of Nigeria adopts in principle the concept of separation of governmental powers and the exercise of these powers by three organs, namely; the Legislature, the executive and the Judicature.[15] As earlier stated chapter 1, part II, of the constitution deals with this separation of powers.
I shall now consider the workings of the doctrine in our legal system.
1.1.1 Checks and Balances
The role played by the system of checks and balances is a very important one in a democratic state as it guarantees that no single branch of government can become too powerful and end up usurping the functions or powers of the other branches. Moreover, no single branch of government can function in complete independence between the three branches. In other words, an “absolute” theory of separation of powers in which one branch functions in complete isolation is not viable.[16] The most interesting aspect of this system is that the powers of one branch can be challenged by another branch and this is what the system of checks and balances is all about, i.e., one branch serves as a watch dog or safeguard against any form of irregularity by the other branch (es).[17]
        The legislature checks over the judicial arm as for example, it has power to ratify the appointment of some members of the judiciary. It also checks on the executive in various ways. For instance, it may override the executive vetoes on bills passed and may remove members of the executive arm through impeachment.[18]
        The executive exercise checks on the legislature in a number of ways. It also has the ability to check the judiciary, the President or Governor as the head of the executive, as the case may be, is vested with powers to appoint judges in the courts.[19]
        The courts may exercise checks and balances on the executive when it gives an order or judgment as to the constitutionality of executive actions. It also checks over the legislature with its power to determine the constitutionality of legislature acts.[20]
        Politics in Nigeria has been largely characterized by lack of respect for rule of law. The actions or inactions of other arms of government are subject to judiciary review. The court is required to police the activities of there organ or arms if our constitutional democracy must be entrenched.
1.1.2 Judicial Review
Judicial review is the power of a court to examine the acts of the other organs of government, and uphold them or invalidate them as may be necessary.[21] The court exercises this power on the ground of unconstitutionality, illegality, irrationality or procedural impropriety and so forth.[22] A good example where the courts have review executive action is illustrated in the case of A.G. Lagos State v. A.G. Federation,[23] where it was alleged that the president withheld the statutory allocation that was due to Lagos State from the Federation Account. The Supreme Court in exercise of its powers of judicial review, declared the presidential act as unconstitutional, null and void.
The current situation in Nigeria shows that judicial review is most appropriately the bedrock of democracy and without it, not only the lives and liberty of the people would be in jeopardy, the right or competences of one arm may be put in jeopardy or rendered ineffectual by another arm of government.[24] A good example which illustrate where the court has reviewed legislative actions is gleaned from the politics of impeachment carried out by the legislature unconstitutionally.[25]
Nigeria’s constitutional democracy guarantees the place of the judicial arm among the three arms of government through a system of checks and balances that guarantees separation of powers among the three arm of government. This is to enhance democracy. However, judges should protect judicial power from political intrigues of the executive and legislative arm of government.[26]
1.2       Judicial Power
Judicial power is the power which the state exerts in the administration of sjustice, in contra-distinction from the power it posseses to make laws and the power of executing them.[27] The judicial powers of Nigeria are vested in Nigeria’s judicature comprising of tribunals or courts established under the nations constitution and other laws made pursuant to the constitution.[28]
Since the judicial power of the Nigerian State is vested in the courts. I will examine the historical antecedent of court in Nigeria before a full examination of the nature of judicial powers.
1.3   Historical Origins of the Judicial System in Nigeria
Before the coming of the Europeans, the various indigenes people of Nigeria had difficult method of dispute resolution mechanism. After 1842, the power to administer and dispense justice in Nigeria was mainly vested in native courts with the entrance of the colonialist pursuant to the Foreign Jurisdiction Act of 1843 and 1893, the British established courts among which the earliest were the courts of equity. The consular or other administrative officers acted as judges by the Royal Niger Company. The British courts and the native courts functioned but the native courts were not to administer native law and custom repugnant to natural justice, equity and good conscience.[29]
In 1863, by Ordinance No 11 of that year, the Supreme Court of Lagos was established. And later in 1900, via the Supreme Court Proclamation Order No. 6 a Supreme court was established for the Southern Nigerian Protectorate. The court exercised the same powers as were vested in Her Majesty’s High Court of Justice in England. The courts were to apply the common law, doctrines of equity and statutes of general application in England in so far as local circumstances permitted.[30]
After the amalgamation of 1914, provincial courts were abolished and in its place the High Courts was established, below it were the Magistrate court and Native court, which remained at the bottom of the judicial hierarchy. The Supreme Court exercised appellate jurisdiction over the High court…until 1954, appeals from the Supreme Court lay at the West African Court of Appeal, but later lay directly after that year to the Privy Council. In that same year a Federal Supreme Court was established presided over by a chief justice of the federation.
In 1975, in order to meet the need for cases involving the revenue of the federal Government, the Federal Revenue Court was established.[31] Presently under the 1999 constitution, the courts recognized as constituting the judiciary are the Supreme Court at the apex, followed by the Court of Appeal, the Federal High Court, the High court of the FCT Abuja, High Courts of the states, Customary Court of Appeal Abuja, court of Appeal of the States, The Sharia Court Of Appeal of the various Northern States The National Industrial Court of Nigeria[32] followed by the Court of Appeal in the  Judicial hierarchy.
Against this historical background of the Nigerian judiciary, I now proceed to deal with the subject matter of judicial power. As highlighted above the judicial power of the federation pursuant to s.6 of the constitution is vested in the judicature exclusively.
It is imperative at this stage to know what is meant by judicial powers. In Nabarumal v Offordili the court of Appeal opined that “judicial power refers to the ability, the function of the court”.[33]  Judicial power according to Edeko “means the power of a court to decide and pronounce a judgment and carry it into effect between persons and parties who bring a case before it for decision.”[34]
In Bronik Motors v Wema Bank[35] Idigbe J.S.C saw the need to differentiate between judicial power and jurisdiction of a court. He said:
“Although the terms judicial power and jurisdiction are frequently used interchangeably and jurisdiction is defined as the power to hear and determine the subject matter in controversy between parties to a suit there is a clear distinction between the two concepts,… judicial power which is the totality of powers a court exercise when it assumes jurisdiction and hear a case.” Judicial power, as is well known is … also co-existence with power of the state to administer public justice and make laws and execute them as well.

Nwabueze on his part observed that judicial power necessarily implies a power to give a binding decision or determination. He further posits that proceedings, whatever their nature, if they do not result in a determination or decision, the function is not judicial.[36]
        Nwabueze forever argued that:
The definition of judicial power purely from the standpoint of courts strictu sensu may be objectionable on the ground that it imposes a narrow conception which is out of harmony with the classification of functions for the purposes of administrative Law.[37]

The above notwithstanding a definition purely from the stand point of the courts is apt, because as this work is concerned with the role of the judicial arm in government. Secondly for the purpose of differentiating judicial powers from executive power and legislative power, only a strict definition of judicial power is apt.
The purpose of judicial power is to administer Justice in individual cases between litigants. Traditionally, judicial power must be exercised so as to do justice in individual cases. “The judge must not allow himself to be influenced by any other consideration at all”.[38] This view is too rigid, it fails to distinguish the various dimensions of public policy, and the proportions in which it may be combined with legal principles or objective standard in any given case. Public policy is not subjective, it is capable of objective ascertainment as the community’s collective sense of right and wrong. A just application of public policy in decisions of courts may eventually establish a body of principles to be used in the determination of future cases.[39]
On a final note, judicial powers are exclusive to the court. If a power is exclusively judicial, then without specific authority in the constitution, it cannot be conferred on any person or authority other than the court,[40] for otherwise will amount to a usurpation of judicial power which is unconstitutional and contrary to the doctrine of separation of powers.
However the constitution itself imposes a number of limitations on the judicial powers of the courts. Under s.6 (6) (L) (d) of the constitution, the judicial powers of the court shall not except as otherwise provided by the constitution, extend to any issue or question as to whether any act or omission by any authority or person or as to whether any law or any judicial decision is in conformity with the fundamental objectives and directive principle of state policy set out in chapter 2 of the constitution. What that means is that if the judiciary must exercise its powers on matters before it, it must be a matter that is justiciable.
One must note that separation of powers is not absolute, it does not mean that each arm of government must operate in a watertight compartment. Though the judicial arm ought to be manifestly detached from the other two arms, the legislature and the executive as a matter of necessity need to work in close and harmonious collaboration with each other in other to serve the interests and welfare of the citizenry.
If we must guard against ills like avaricious and ambitions self-serving behaviour and inefficient performances of functions as well as abuse of power, separation of powers doctrine is the answer. The doctrine will not only justify but will also ensure independence of the Judiciary. It provides a basis for the checks and balances which protects liberty now and in the future.[41] What is clear is that like the American model the doctrine of separation of powers as practiced in Nigeria is a modified form unlike the theory in its purest form.
In Nigeria though the judiciary is a separate arm of government, the appointment if its officers is done by the executive arm with legislative ratifying such appointment. Having this in mind set the tone for a discussion of the procedure for the appointment of judicial officers in the next chapter.


[1] Okey Wali, President of the Nigeria Bar Association, being a welcome address delivered at the opening ceremony of the NBA Judiciary Committee, Judicial Reforms Conference holiday at Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja, on the 7th day of July, 2014.
[2] Edeko, S.E., Fundamental Issues in Nigerian Constitutional Law, Benin City: Anointed Tesa Printing Press, 2002, 64

[3] Guobadia, Osahon O., “The Relevance of the Judiciary in a Democratic Nigeria,” (2009) vol. 4 No. 1&2, International Journal of Law and Contemporary Studies, 78
[4] Edeko op eit, 65
[5] Espirit Des Lois (Spirit of the Law) chapter 11, 3-6, cited in Ese Malenii, The Nigerian Constitutional Law, Lagos: Princeton Publishing co., 2006, 66


[6] See ss. 4, 5 and 6 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999.
[7] (1971) 1 U.I.L.R 201
[8] A.S.H.A v Tijjani (2012) 8 N.W.L.R. (Pt. 1303) 483 at 513, Paras. A-B
[9] (2009) 12 N.W.L.R (Pt.1154) I at 36 Paras. G-H per Shoremi, J.C.A.
[10] Egbuniwe v F.G.N (2010) 2 N.W.L.R (Pt. 1178) 338 at 368
[11] (2011) 4 N.W.L.R (Pt. 1236) 148, see also Agakaiye v. Idehai (1994) 18 N.W.L.R (Pt. 364) 504
[12] A.S.H.A. V Tijjani supra
[13] ibid
[14] Ben, O. Nwabueze, Judicialism in Commonwealth Africa, London: C.Hurst & Company, 1997, 201
[15] Udeechukwu, U.N., “The Courts and Politics in Nigeria Today”, Being the text of paper presented at the National Conference on Nigerian Government and Politics, 1999-2004, at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka on the 22nd day of April, 2004,1
[16] Obafemi Awolowo, Separation of Powers Among the Three Arm of Government,” Voice of Courage, 172-175 in Ese Malemi opcit.
[17] Kelly Marti, “American History a Constitutional Checks and balances”, available at http: americanhistory.about.com/od/usconstitution/a/checksbalance.htm (accessed 15/08/2014).
[18] See ss. 100(5), 188, 58(5) and 143of the 1999 Constitution.
[19] See ss. 231, 238 and 271 of the Constitution
[20] A.S.H.A. V Tijjani Supra
[21] Ese Malemi, opeit, 314
[22] Ajepe, Taiwo Shehu and Mohammed, M.Akanbi, “Modelling Separation For Constitution: The Nigerian Approach”, Journal of Law, Policy and Globalisation, vol. 3 (2012) 24
[23] (2004) 20 NSCQR 99, (2004) 18 NWLR (Pt. 904) 1, A.G. Federation v. Atiku Abubakar (2007) All F.W.L.R (pt. 375) 405
[24] Ajepe and Mohammed opcit, 27
[25] See Inakor v. Adeleke (2007) 27 NSCQR 958, Lodga v INEC  (2007) N.W.L.R (Pt. 1047) 115
[26] Radejogbin, Rebecca E. and Onoriode Mercy Emetejide, “Judicial Accountability and   V   
    Discipline in Nigeria’s Imperatives for the New Democratic Order. “Justice Journal vol. 4  
    (2012) 171.
[27] B.O Nwabueze Opcit, 1
[28] See s.6 of the Constitution.
[29] Yusuf Ali, “The Evolution of Ideal Nigerian Judiciary in the New Millennium”, Nigeria Ba Journal, Vol. 1 No. 1 (2001) 42
[30] Ibid (see Yusuf Ali generally for the history of the judiciary)
[31] Federal Revenue Court Decree No 13 0f 1975
[32] The Third Alteration Act, 2010 established the NICN as a Supreme Court of record with Concurrent Jurisdiction with the High Courts.
[33] (2005) 1 FWLR (Pt. 248) 858 at 878
[34] Edeko, Opacit , 185
[35] (1985) 6 NCLR 1
[36] Nwabueze opcit, 2
[37] Ibid, 14-15
[38] Ibid, 7
[39] See the decision of the Supreme Court per Ogbuagu J.S.C in N.N.P.C v Lutin Investment Ltd & Anor (2006) 2 NWLR (Pt. 965) 506; Comandelem Nig. Ltd v. Mobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited, Suit No: S.C. 69/2011 decided April 8, 2013. Available online at cominity.vanguardngr.com (Accessed September 8, 2014)
[40] Nwabueze opcit, 10
[41] Ogoloma, Fineface, “ The Theory of Separation of Powers in Nigeria: An Assessment” African Research Review, vol. 6 (3) No. 26 (2012) 132


CHAPTER TWO
2.0   Appointment of Judicial Officers
        There is a need for the judge to possess the necessary professional skill, impartiality as well as integrity. These are qualities that are essential to the successful discharge of the judicial function expected of him. S. 291 (1) of the Constitution States that judicial officers in Nigeria are judges who preside over superior courts or courts of records. However by virtue of the judicial functions the magistrate is expected to perform one may safely say he is a judicial officer. This view is supported by the fact that the code of conduct for judicial officers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria included the holders of similar office in any inferior court. The process of appointment goes a long way to affect the effectiveness and efficiency of the judiciary. The need for efficiency adds new force to the need for possession of professional skills of a high order[1]. The process of selection and appointment will go a long way in achieving this end. An important duty therefore lies upon the appointing authorities to ensure a balanced composition of the judiciary.
2.     The General Process of Appointment
        Section 230 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 states as follows:
1.          There shall be Supreme Court of Nigeria.
2.          The appointment of a person to the office of a justice of the Supreme Court shall be made by the President on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council subject to confirmation of such appointment by the senate.
3.          A person shall not be qualified to hold the office of Chief Justice of Nigeria or a Justice of the Supreme Court, unless he is qualified to practice as a legal practitioner in Nigeria and has been so qualified for a period of not less than fifteen years.
4.          If the office of Chief Justice of Nigeria is vacant or if the person holding the office is for any reason unable to perform the functions of the office, then until a person has been appointed to and has assumed the functions of that office, or until the person holding the office has resumed those functions, the president shall appoint the most senior justice of the Supreme Court to perform those functions.

237 (1) There shall be a Court of Appeal.
238 (1) The Appointment of a person to the office of President of the Court of Appeal shall be made by the President on the recommendation to the National Judicial Council subject to confirmation of such appointment by the Senate.
Subsections (2) and (3) of S. 238 have substantially similar provisions with S. 230 (2) (3) except that it provides post call qualification of twelve years for justices of the Court of Appeal.
        Sections 250, 256, 261, 266 and 271[2] makes a similar provisions in respect of judges of the Federal High, High court, FCT, Sharia or Customary Court of Appeal and States High Courts. One common thread that runs through these provisions is that the appointment to the specified cadre of the Bench is made by the relevant Executive (President or Governor), on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council (NJC) and subject in certain instances to confirmation by the Legislature, State or Federal.
        The appointment of a person to the office of a Justice of the Supreme Court or Court of Appeal, a judge of the Federal High Court, the High Court of the FCT, Abuja, a judge of the Customary Court of Appeal FCT, Abuja, shall be made by the President on the recommendation of the NJC.[3]
        By virtue of paragraph 21 of the 3rd schedule to the 1999 constitution, the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC) shall submit a list of persons for appointment to the offices of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, the justices of the Supreme Court, the President and Justices of the Court of Appeal, the Chief Judge and Judges of the Federal High Court. The Judicial Service Committee of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja shall also submit a list of persons for the appointment to the offices of the Chief Judge and the Judges of the High Court of the FCT, Abuja, the Grand Kadi and the Kadis of the Sharia Court of Appeal of the FCT, Abuja, and the President and judges of the Customary Court of Appeal of the FCT, Abuja.
        It must however be noted that any person who is being appointed by the required body must have satisfied the criteria laid down by the Constitution as to the number of years he/she must have spent as a legal practitioner[4].
        It is important to point out that the National Assembly or a State House of Assembly may prescribe additional qualifications for a period to be appointed to the office enumerated above[5]. It is a member of the NJC, FJSC or Judicial Service Committee of the FCT, Abuja or a State Judicial Service Commission shall be qualified to be appointed into a judicial office. He shall remain so disqualified until a period of three (3) years had elapsed since he ceases to be a member[6].
        A point for immediate modification is the qualification for appointment as a judge of Customary Court of Appeal or Sharia Court of Appeal. It is regrettable that a person would be appointed a judge of a superior court of record for that matter, without any serious academic qualifications other than having a considerable knowledge of and experience in the practice of customary law[7]. It is however hoped that the NJC in exercise of its discretion be wary of this provision. It is suggested that S. 261 (3) (b) and S. 264 (3) (b) be expunged from the constitution.


2.1   Summary of Guidelines for Appointment in States
        We choose to treat the appointment of State Judicial Officers separately because of the current controversy over-shadowing the time legal framework of appointment of judicial officers in the federating states if we consider the events in Rivers State.
i.      The Chief Judge is to get the approval of the NJC to appoint a specified number of judges based on need.
ii.     Once the approval is given by the NJC, the Chief Judge notifies the Governor of his intention to commence the process of appointment.
iii.    The Chief Judge will call for nomination from serving judges in and outside the state.
iv.    Short listing of candidates who have applied
v.     Circulation of short listed candidates to the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) branches in the state and to the State Security Service.
vi.    The Chief Judge would present to the judicial Services Commission the short listed candidates and their NJC’s Form a duly filled with its attachments completed.
vii.   The outcome of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) meetings and its recommendation to be forwarded to the NJC with the assurance that the duties of the judge are specified.
viii.  Two lists- Priority and Reserve are to be sent to the NJC with the comment of every member of the JSC on each of the candidates[8].
        According to the NJC Guideline, the members of the JSC shall consider petitions or protest against any of the short listed candidates, their certificate of fitness issued by a government hospital or institution. The JSC shall also consider the following:
a.           Successful practice at the Bar;
b.           Satisfactory presentation of cases in court as a Lawyer, either in private practice or as a legal officer in the Ministry of Justice or Corporate institutions,
c.           Good character, reputation, maturity, honesty and integrity.
d.          Sound knowledge of the law and ability.
A short-listed candidate might not be recommended by the Commission when such candidate is found to have any of the following disabilities: disreputable character in or out of court; none or very little practical experience in the conduct of cases in the High Court, he solicited for or lobbied for the appointment directly or indirectly; or has a record of impecuniosity.[9]
The NJC may, where it is satisfied that the Rules for the Appointment of Judicial Officers were complied with during the selection and nomination of the candidates, recommend such candidates for appointment to the Governor of the State[10].
Okoye has questioned the procedure for appointment of judicial officers where power to nominate persons for screening and the eventual appointment is vested in surviving judicial officers alone[11]. The NBA is only allowed according to the Guideline to make comments on the short-listed candidates forwarded to it, on their suitability or otherwise for appointment as judicial officers.[12]
Okoye opined that the power of nomination should not have been so restricted to serving judicial officers only. Other members of the Legal profession, particularly the NBA and other persons, should have been permitted to make such nominations. He pointed out that restriction of the nomination to serving judicial officers may hinder many qualified persons who are interested in the job, or they may be permanently shut out. Since such persons may have no access to any serving judicial officer, or even when the access is available, the Judicial Officer still has the discretion to nominate of the person he so chooses.[13] According to Uthman the process of appointment in Nigeria is:
“… shrouded in secrecy and is from commencement and almost to conclusion an act of judges nominating and choosing new members of their club. [14]

He further noted that:
“This process of nomination by serving judges is awkward, restrictive, limiting in nature and forecloses other constituencies like the Magistracy, the Ministry of Justice and Private Practitioners as relevant in the exercises.[15]

        However, the appointment of judicial officers should be made open and merit based. The appointment should be reference to sound, objective criteria, on the basis of each candidate. Personal merit, experience, competence, performance, skills and abilities.
2.2      Power to Appoint Chief Judges
The constitution empowers the President or Governor to appoint the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court or State High Court as the case may be one the recommendation of the NJC, subject to the confirmation of such appointment by the Senate or State House of Assembly as the case may be[16].
Contrary to the above, the NJC appears to have arrogated power to itself or exercised it beyond its constitutional limit, if we consider the current controversy in Rivers State on the appointment and nomination of the Chief Judge, the NJC was in 2012 involved in such controversies when the Governors of Osun State, Kwara State and Adamawa State had their choice nominees as Chief Judges in their respective States. For example in the Rivers State controversy the NJC claimed the name of the most senior judge in the list should be appointed by the Governor. In my opinion this claim is not supported by law nor by the provisions of the Constitution. Section 271 (4) merely provides thus:
If the Office of Chief Judge of State is Vacant or if the person holding the office is for any reason unable to perform the functions of the office, then until a person has been appointed to and has assumed the functions of that office, or until the person holding the office has resumed those functions, the Governor of the State shall appoint the most senior judge of the High Court to perform those functions.

        What is envisaged here, if subsection 5 of section 271 is also read, is a temporary appointment which shall lapse at the expiration of three months. This does not concern appointment of the substantive chief judge. Umezulike a former Chief Judge in Enugu State posits that the appointment of a Chief Judge is a political process and the role of the governor is paramount and prevails.[17] The Honourable Justice further contended that the position of NJC to:
Send only the name of the most senior judge in the list and insist that such judge must be appointed by the Governor is an unwarranted obligation which NJC may have imposed on itself. It is neither supported by any law nor by the provisions of the constitution.”[18]

The provisions of paragraph 21, Part 1 of the 3rd Schedule to the constitution conclusively shows that it is within the power of the Governor to appoint the Chief Judge of the State, the NJC’s responsibility is only to recommend. The provision states:
        The National Judicial Council shall have power to
(1) recommend to the Governors from the list of persons submitted to it by the State Judicial Service Commissions persons for appointments to the Offices of the Chief Judges of the States…[19]

2.3      The Impact of the Selection Process on Judicial Process
A strong and vibrant judiciary is a sure guarantee for peace, stability and an orderly society. The role of the judiciary may be undermined. But we are not to forget that this body either makes or mars a life depending on its decision. A judge on appointment to the bench might some personal characteristic which might or might against performance which a cautious disposition might discourage activism. A judge who displayed great volur contribute to the protection of political and civil right[20].
The selection and appointment process has enthroned some judges whose actions have brought total loss of confidence in the judiciary by Nigerians because of the level of incompetence exhibited by such judges. For example Justice Charles Archibong of the Federal High Court dismissed the 26 count charge against Mr. Erastus Akingbola, former Managing Director of the defunct Intercontinental Bank without taking his plea; gave judgment in a case commenced by originating summons without written address filed by the parties[21]. However, with such glaring errors the NJC recommended his compulsory retirement. The process of selection and appointment has indeed opened a leeway for lawyers who are incompetent or of questionable character or who lack the knowledge of the law to find their way to the bench.
The present process of selection and appointment is liable to abuse and may not encourage the appointment of persons of honour and outstanding competence as judicial officers. The process has the tendency to expose serving judicial officers to intense pressure from aspirants to the bench. Some of these aspirants may resort to all forms of enticement which may include monetary gifts and other amoral gestures in order to secure nomination[22].
A point to note is that the process of appointment has exposed the judiciary to corruption. In fact, some of the judges are of doubtful integrity. This is apt in the call by the current Chief Justice of Nigeria. Honourable Justice Aloma Muktar during her screening by the Senate in July 2012 for petition. For the eventual cleansing of the bad eggs by the NJC based on such petitions.[23] President Goodluck Jonathan once expressed concern over the widespread perception of a growing crisis of integrity in the judiciary. He remarked thus:
A partisan judge compromises his or her oath of office and acts unfairly. A corrupt judge disgraces the Bench on which he or she sits and the title that he or she wars.[24]

What is clear from the above is that the current selection and appointment process of judicial officers is in great need of review to meet the current challenges facing the Nigerian Judiciary and the Nigeria factor of “who no man”.
2.4      The National Judicial Council under the 1999 Constitution
The National Judicial Council as known today did not feature in the Nigerian Constitution until 1999.[25] Its basic functions is to recommend to the President or Governor of any state for the appointment and removal of Judicial officers in Federal or State Superior Courts. It is also one of its functions to exercise disciplinary control over the persons who constitute the total number of the Federal and State Judicial officers in Nigeria, and deals with matters relating to broad issues of policy and administration.
The National Judicial Council as established under the constitution was first constituted in the year 2000 under Hon. Justice Muhammadu Lawal Uwais, the then Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN)[26]. The NJC is the highest regulatory and supervisory body in the Judiciary.
The NJC is established under the 1999 constitution as a “Federal Executive Body” under S. 153 (1) (i). As an execution body which is responsible for discipline of judicial officers who are members of another arm of government; one wonders how the much desired independence of the judiciary could be achieved. The appointment and composition of its membership calls to question the practice of the doctrine of separation of powers as it stands under the constitution. The question of the independence of the judiciary will be properly examined in the next chapter. That notwithstanding the problem may have been caused by the very fact that the constitution was imposed on us by the military regime. Although the constitution states that we practice federalism, the truth is that the creation of the NJC for both federal and states Courts negates the principle of the Federalism which we purport to borrow from the USA.
2.4.1 Composition of the National Judicial Council
        The 1999 constitution makes a comprehensive provision for the composition of the NJC as follows:
        The National Judicial Council shall comprise of the following members:
a.           The Chief Justice of Nigeria who shall be the Chairman,
b.           The next most senior justice of the Supreme Court who shall be the Deputy Chairman;
c.           The President of the Court of Appeal;
d.          Five retired justices selected by the Chief Justice of Nigeria from the Supreme Court or Court of Appeal;
e.           The chief judge of the Federal High Court;
f.            Five Chief Judges of States to be appointed by the Chief Justice of Nigeria from among the Chief Judges of the States and of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja in rotation to serve for two years;
g.           One Grand Kadi to be appointed by the Chief Justice of Nigeria from among Grand Kadis of the Sharia Courts of Appeal to serve in rotation for two years;
h.          One President of the Customary Court of Appeal to be appointed by the Chief Justice of Nigeria from among the Presidents of the Customary Courts of Appeal to serve in rotation for two years;
i.            Five members of the Nigerian Bar Association who have been qualified to practice for a period of not less than fifteen years, at least one of whom shall be a senior Advocate of Nigeria, appointed by the Chief Justice of Nigeria on the recommendation of the National Executive Committee of the Nigerian Bar Association to serve for two years and subject to re-appointment, provided that the five members shall sit in the council only for the purposes of considering the names of persons for appointment to the superior courts of records; and
j.            Two persons not being legal practitioners, who in the opinion of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, are of unquestionable integrity.[27]
The NJC is made up of twenty three (23) members, inclusive of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, who is the Chairman. Fourteen (14), out of the twenty three members are singularly appointed by the Chief Justice as the Chairman and such appointment is not subject to any control or consultation with any person or body. The Chairman also appoint the five members from the NBA but on the recommendation of the NBA. This brings the number of members appointed to 19 out of 23. This trend according to Abeni is not too democratic”.[28] Under the current position of the Law on appointment of the NJC membership, Okpoko opined that the tendency will be that majority of the members will perform their duties with predetermined mind-set of the Chairman.[29] He who pays the piper dictates the tune.    
        A bigger problem with the current arrangement deals with the discipline the Chief Justice of Nigeria where he/she errs. The apparent mischief inherent in such bizarre arrangement was brought to the fore in what is now known as “Hon. Justice Isa Ayo Salami Saga”.
        Another issue with the membership of the Council is the five-member representatives of the NBA’s in the council. The members are only allowed to sit in the council when it is considering names of persons for appointment as judicial officers. It therefore follows that the NBA representatives in the council would not be in the council when it is performing other functions. For example, the disciplining of Judicial Officers. “The Reason for this restriction by the constitution cannot be fathomed”.[30] What is clear is that such restriction cannot be reasonably justified. Members of the NBA ought to be independent members of the council outside the bench who might check possible abuses of its powers watched the NJC which is constituted under the constitution as the “bencher’s club”. If we consider the fact that two members of the council who are non-legal practitioners will participate without restrictions, the rationale for restricting the representation of the NBA becomes more subject to criticism.
        It is clear that there is need for change in the appointment of members of the council. An understanding of the role the NJC is expected to play in building an independent judiciary calls for a review of its composition.
2.4.2 Tenure of the Council
        The provisions of S. 155 on the tenure of the members of the NJC, also applies to members of other executive bodies established by S. 153 (1) of the constitution. The tenure of the members of the council as provided in section 155 (i) of the constitution reads:
A person who is a member of any of the bodies established as aforesaid shall, subject to the provisions of this part, remain a member there of-
(a) in the case of an ex-officio member, whilst he holds the office by virtue of which he is a member of the body.
(b) in the case of a person who is a member by virtue of his having previously held an office, for the duration of his life, and
(c) in the case of a person who is a member otherwise than as ex officio members or otherwise than by virtue of his having previously held an office, for a period of five years from the data of his appointment.

From the above provisions, the Chief Justice of Nigeria, who is the Chairman of the council, the next most senior Justice of the Supreme Court, who is the Deputy Chairman, the President of the Court of Appeal, the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, will only remain as members of the council while they hold the offices by which they became members of the council. The vague provisions in paragraph (b) of subsection (1) of section 155 appears to suggest that the five retired justices of the Supreme Court or the Court of Appeal would remain in office for life[31]. It is also possible to construe the provision to include the CJN, President of the Court of Appeal, the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court who were members of the council by virtue of the office they previously held.
        However Okoye argued, that it could not have been the intention of the framers of the constitution to include the five retired justices of the supreme Court or Court of Appeal since they were only members of the council by virtue of their appointment not by the office held strictly speaking. Accordingly he posited that the correct interpretation should be that it only applies to persons whose membership of the council is “automatic by virtue of their having previously held a specified office.”
2.4.3 Qualification for Membership of the Council
        Qualification of members of the council is same as that of persons who seek election into the House of Representatives. Section 156 provides:
1.     No person shall be qualified for appointment as a member of any of the bodies aforesaid if-
a.     He is not qualified or if he is disqualified for election as a member of the House of Representatives,
b.     Within the preceding ten years, he has been removed as a member of any of the bodies or as the holder of any office on the ground of misconduct.
2.     Any person employed in the public service of the federation shall not be disqualified for appointment as chairman or member of any of such bodies. Provided that where such a person has been duly appointed he shall, on his appointment, he deemed to have resigned his former office as from the date of the appointment.
3.     No person shall be qualified for appointment to any of the bodies aforesaid if, having previously been appointed as a member otherwise than as an ex officio member of that body, he has been reappointed for a further term as a member of the same body.[32]
Before an analysis of the above provisions, let us consider the qualification for election into the House of representatives. Section 65 of the constitution provides that a person shall be qualified for election as a member of the House of Representatives, if he is a citizen of Nigeria and has attained the age of thirty-years; educated up to at least school certificate level, a member of a political party and is sponsored by that party. What is clear is that to be elected as a member of the House of Representatives, one would have to be a member of a political party and sponsored by that party. It is vague if not inconceivable, for example that the Chief Justice of Nigeria and members of the NJC would be sponsored by a political party. Where then lies the much needed independence of the judiciary, and a judiciary free from fear or favour when exercising its judicial Powers. Akande posits that it is worrisome retaining the provision that to be qualified as a member of the NJC the qualification used for the House of Representatives is the standard.[33]
        However Okoye opined that for the purpose of appointment as a member of the council, a person may or may not belong to a political party. Such person should not be required to belong to a political party before he is eligible for appointment[34].
2.4.4 Powers of the National Judicial Council
        The National Judicial Council has power to recommend to the President or Governor from among the list of persons submitted to it by the Federal Judicial Service Commission or State Judicial Service Commission as the case may be, persons to be appointed to the offices of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justices of the Supreme Court, President and Justices of the Court of Appeal, Chief and Judges of the Federal High Court Chief Judge and Judges of the High Court of the FCT, Abuja, Grand Kadi and Kadis of the Sharia Court of Appeal of the FCT, Abuja, the President and Judges of the Customary Court of Appeal of the FCT, Abuja, submitted to it by the Judicial Service Committee of the FCT Abuja, on the one hand; and Chief Judges of the States and Judges of the High Courts of the States, the Grand Kadis and Kadis of the Sharia Courts of Appeal of the States and the President and Judges of the Customary Courts of Appeal of the States, as the case may be.[35]
        The NJC shall also have power to recommend to the President or Governor, the removal from office and exercise of disciplinary control over the judicial officers specified above.
        The NJC has power to collect, control and disburse all moneys, capital and recurrent, for the judiciary; advise the president and governors on any matter pertaining to the judiciary as may be referred to the council by the President or the Governors, appoint, dismiss and exercise disciplinary control over members and staff of the council; control and disburse all monies, capital and recurrent; for the services of the council, and deal with all other matters relating to broad issues of policy and administration.[36]
        The National Judicial Council is one body that has been criticized as negating the true principles of federalism. As honourable Justice A.G. Karibi-Whyte JSC said with:
The National Judicial Council is a very much misunderstood institution. Many state governments are not happy with the institution because they argue it is a negation of the tenets of true federalism and the independence of the Judiciary.[37]

        The NJC as a body and its chairman wields too much power in the appointment and composition of its membership, in the discipline of judges the NJC is the judge and prosecutor. There is a need for restructuring and review of the laws regulating the NJC. As in 22, 2011 Justice Dahim Mustapher thus former Chief Justice of Nigeria said:
The NJC should be repositioned and the Law governing NJC should be reviewed for better performance… Considering the other responsibilities of the council in formulating broad policies for the judiciary as well as judicial appointments, it appears worthy for us to consider the merits of creating a separate institution to specifically deal with complaints/petitions, discipline and removal of judicial officers. Several commonwealth countries have such specialized institutions specially responsible for complaints and discipline.[38]

2.5      Removal of Judicial Officers from Office
Any member of the judex accused of corruption must be thoroughly investigated with a view to determining the veracity or otherwise of the charge. If substance is found in same, then the judge should not only be dismissed but must be turned over to law enforcement agencies for onward prosecution. It is not enough to dismiss him secretly.[39]

In Nigeria, the tenure of members of the higher Bench is protected once appointed, they cannot be dismissed or compulsorily retired unless for reasons set out in Section 292 of the 1999 constitution. It provides as follows:
A judicial officer shall not be removed from his office or appointment before his age of retirement except in the following circumstances.
(a) in case of-
(i) Chief Justice of Nigeria, President of the Court of Appeal, Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Chief Judge of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, Grand Kadi of the Sharia Court of Appeal of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja and President of the Customary Court of Appeal of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, by the President acting on an address supported by two-thirds majority of the Senate.
(ii) Chief Judge of a State, Grand Kadi of a Sharia Court of Appeal or President of a Customary Court of Appeal of a State by the Governor acting on an address supported by two-thirds majority of the House of Assembly.
Praying that he be so removed for his inability to discharge the functions of his office or appointment (whether arising from infirmity of mind or body) or for misconduct or contravention of the code of conduct,
(b) In any case, other than those to which paragraph (a) of this subsection applies, by the President or, as the case may be, the Governor acting on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council that the Judicial Officer be so removed for his inability to discharge the functions of his office or appointment (whether arising from infirmity of mind or of body) or for misconduct or contravention of the code of conduct.

A dismissed judicial officer who is aggrieved with the decision to compulsorily dismiss or retire him may by convention apply to the Federal High Court questioning the dismissal. The life span of service of judicial officers before retirement has been fixed at 60-65 years, and 65-70years, for states and appellate judicial officers respectively.[40]
        Accordingly, from the provisions of the constitution reproduced above, a judicial officer may be removed from office on any of the following grounds:
1.          Misconduct;
2.          Breach of Code of Conduct,
3.          Inability to discharge the functions of his office
Misconduct means “a dereliction of duty, unlawful or improper behaviour.”[41] According to Obi Okoye, this may include abuse of office, recklessness in the use of judicial powers e.t.c. The nature of corruption or misconduct which may justify the removal of a judicial officer from office must be one which serious and extensive and impairs his general perception of his duty as a public or judicial officer and warrant his removal from office.[42] In A.G. Cross River State v. Esin,[43] it was held that misconduct by a judicial officer to warrant his dismissal is not limited only to acts concerning his office, but also includes other acts of the judicial officer in his private life which are such as to erode public confidence in him as a judicial officer may amount to misconduct justifying his removal.
It must be pointed out that where the misconduct complained of is criminal in nature, say for example an allegation of demand and receipt of gratification from a litigant in the course of performing his judicial duties, the judicial officer must be tried by the ordinary court of law not merely by a Judicial Service Committee, if the removal on the basis of the criminal offence must stand.[44]
Inability to discharge the functions of his office is another ground for the removal of a judicial officer from office. This may include insanity, physical disability or any other form of ailment which would prevent the said officer from discharging the functions of his office.
Finally, another ground for the removal of a judicial officer is a breach of the code of conduct. The Code of Conduct regulates the conduct of all public officers in the country including Judicial Officers.[45] A breach of the code of conduct will include engagement in the running of private business, profession or trade, but this does not include farming, failure to declare his assets, false statement in the declaration, bribery e.t.c.[46] Apart from the code of conduct for public officers generally contained in the 5th schedule to the constitution, there is also a code of conduct specifically for judicial officers issued by the NJC pursuant to S. 22 (i) of 3rd schedule Part 1, 1999 constitution.
2.5.1 Procedure for Removal of Judicial Officers
        The Third Schedule, part 1 to the 1999 constitution provides:
        The National Judicial Council shall have power to-
        (a)-----------------------------------------------
        (b) Recommend to the President the removal from office of the Judicial officers specified. In sub-paragraph (a) of this paragraph, and to exercise disciplinary control over such offices.
        (c)----------------------------------------------
        (d) Recommend to the Governors the removal from office of the Judicial officers specified in sub-paragraph (c) of this paragraph, and to exercise disciplinary control over such officers.[47]

Sub-paragraphs (a) and (c) contains the particulars of judicial officers who should not be removed except on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council. The President and the State Governors cannot on their own dismiss a judicial officer except as recommended by the Council. Suffice it to say that the perceived ambiguity in S. 292 (i) of the 1999 constitution upon which some state Governors think they can dismiss a judge without the impute of the NJC is self inflicted. To get the true intent of the framers of the constitution, that section must not be interpreted in isolation without a consideration of the Third schedule alongside.
        The Governors prefers an interpretation that the power of investigation and recommendation for the removal of the Chief Judge of the State resides in the House of Assembly of the State and not the NJC.[48] This certainly does not represent the intention of the framers of the constitution. In Erelu-Habeeb v. National Judicial Council,[49] 1st Appellant was the Chief Judge of Kwara State at all times material to this case. The Kwara State House of Assembly in purported exercise of its powers under the 1999 constitution, sought to exercise disciplinary control over the 1st Appellant by way of removal from office. A letter was served by the House of Assembly on the Chief Judge to appear before the House and defend charges of misconduct made against her. The 1st Appellant challenged the powers of the State House of Assembly to exercise disciplinary control over her. The Supreme Court ruled in her favour and held that the House had no constitutional power to exercise any form of disciplinary control over the Chief Judge of the State, without the prior recommendation of the NJC.
        Mohammed JSC held:
…on the interpretation and application of the provisions… That is to say for the purpose of emphasis, the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, does not give the Governor of Kwara State acting in conjunction with the House of Assembly of Kwara State absolute power to remove the Chief Judge of the State from his/her office or appointment before the age of retirement without the recommendation of the National Judicial Council.

This decision has made the true position clear and it is hoped Governors will follow the proper procedure in future cases when the need arises.
        The proper procedure would be where there is a complaint against judicial officers, it is sent to the National Judicial Council which will set up a committee to investigate the allegation. The judicial officer is notified in writing of the allegation and is afforded reasonable time to react to the allegation where the allegation is proved against the judicial officer, the NJC shall recommend to the President or Governor as the case maybe, the removal of such Judicial Officer.[50] Where the judicial officer is the head of any court, the President or Governor, may not remove him except on the address of the Senate or the House of Assembly of the State with the two-thirds majority votes of members.
        The NJC may as well exercise other disciplinary measures other than removal of a judicial officer. Such disciplinary measure may include suspension from office pending the outcome of its investigation. This is essential to ensure that corruption by Judges is detected, investigated and properly sanctioned.[51]
        It is argued by Abeni that the abatement of suspension and recall from suspension of a suspended judicial officer fall within the exclusive powers of the NJC.[52] We are of his view. But it is unfortunate that the suspension of Hon. Justice ISA Ayo Salami, though the NJC passed a resolution sometime in May 2012 for his recall and reinstatement, contrary to the constitution, the President disapprove that, “when indeed the President lacks the vires to do so.[53] It is my hope that in future cases the rule of law will reign supreme. And the NJC will not even have recourse to the President or Governor when a suspension is lifted.


[1] Omotolani Akinwade, “The impact of the Selection and Appointment of Judges on the Judicial Process: The Nigerian Experience”, Young African Research Journal, vol. 2 (2013) 34
[2] CFRN 1999
[3] Ibid S. 238 (2), S. 250 (2), S. 256 (2), S. 266 (2)
[4] For the Supreme Court see S. 231 (3), Court of Appeal 237 (3), High Court Judges see S. 249, 256 (3), and ten years is also maintained for Kadis and Judges of the Sharia Court of Appeal, Abuja and Customary Court of Appeal, Abuja, respectively.
[5] That is, Judges of the Customary Court of Appeal of the FCT or of a State as the case may be.
[6] S. 289 of the Constitution, 1999
[7] Ibid, S. 266 (3) (b)
[8] Kunle Uttman, “The Reality and the Myth: How Independent are the JSC in Filling Vacancies” a presentation made by the Honourable Commissioner, Lagos State Judicial Service Commission. On July 4, 2014. Available online at access to justice-ng.org/ (Accessed September 6, 2014), see also the NJC Guidelines and Procedural Rules 2003 which took effect from January 1st 2004
[9] See Rule 4 (1-4) ibid
[10] The above procedure is applicable to Federal Courts of Superior records but the NJC recommendation is made to the President.
[11] Okoye, A.O, “Issues in the membership, powers and autonomy of the National Judicial Council in Nigeria in Abikan, A.I. and Ishola, A.S. (ed), Nigeria Judicial: Contemporary issues in Administration of Justice. Essays in Honour of Hon. Justice I.A. Salam, Ilorin. Nigeria Bar Association, 2013 393
[12] See Rule 3 (4) of the Guideline
[13] Okoye Op cit, 394
[14] Kunle Uthman Op Cit, 7
[15] Ibid
[16] S. 250 (1) and S. 271 (1) of the Constitution
[17] Umezulike Innocent, “The Judicial Integrity, Independence and Reforms: Essays in Honour or Honorable Justice Mohammed Uwaise cited in Nigeria News Digest, Governor’s Power to Appoint Chief Judge is Sacrosanct says Enugu CJ”, Available online at Nigeriannewsdigest.com/governors-power-to-appoint-chief-judge-is-sacrosant-says-Enugu-CJ/ (Accessed September 9 2004)
[18] Ibid
[19] See Para 21 (c), part I of the third schedule to the constitution.
[20] Femi Falana, “The Anti-Corruption War in the Nigerian Judiciary: The Journey So Far,” in Abikan, A.I. and Ishola, A.S. (ed.) Nigeria Judiciary: Contemporary Issues in Administration o f Justice: Essays in Honour of Hon Justice Isa Ayo Salami, Ilorin: Nigeria Bar Association 2013, 306
[21] Ibid, 310
[22] Okoye Op. Cit, 394
[23] Falana, Op. Cit, 309
[24] The Nation, September 27, 2011
[25] Dadem, Y.Y., “Removing the Judge: Challenges to Judicial Independence in Nigeria”, Nigeria Law Journal, vol. 15, No. 1, (2013) 74-75.
[26] Abeni, O. Mohammed, “Constitutional Powers of the National Judicial Council,” in Abikan, A.I and Ishola, A.S., (ed), Supra, 411
[27] Paragraph 20, Part 1, 3rd schedule
[28] Abeni Op. Cit, 416
[29] Okpoko, T.J.O, “Reinvigorating National Judicial Council for a Stronger Judiciariy in Nigeria, (Paper presented at the two day senior of the NBA Anti-Corruption Commission on 1/7/13) sited in Abeni Supra
[30] Okoye op cit. 381
[31] Ibid, 384
[32] CFRN 1999
[33] Akande, Jadesola O., Introduction to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, Lagos: MIJ Publishers, 2000, 261
[34] Okoye Op. Cit, 386
[35] Para 21 Part I, Third schedule to the Constitution
[36] Ibid
[37] Quoted in Azing Epiphany and Rapu, F. Judith, “Roadmap to Judicial Transformation: Through the lens of Retired and Serving Jurists of the Supreme Court” Available online at www.nials-nigeria.org/journals/ Azing and Judith-Roadmap to Judicial Transformation. Pdf. (Access September 6, 2014
[38] Ibid, 53
[39] Ibid, 54
[40] Azinge and Judith Op. Cit 60
[41] Black’s Law Dictionary, 9th ed., 1089
[42] Okoye Op. Cit, 398
[43] (1991) 6 NWLR (Pt. 197) 365
[44] Biishi v Judicial Service Commission (1991) 6 NWLR (pt. 197) 331
[45] See the 5th Schedule to the Constitution Part II, para. 5.
[46] See the 5th schedule, Part I, generally.
[47] See Paragraph 21 (a)-(d) of Third Schedule Part 1 to the 1999 constitution.
[48] Okoye Op. Cit, 401
[49] (2012) 13 NWLR (Pt. 1318) 423
[50] Umanah V. Attah (2006) 17 NWLR (pt. 1009) 503
[51] Badejogbin, R.E. and Onoriode, M.E., “Judicial Accountability and Discipline in Nigeria: Imperatives for the New Democratic Order”, Justice Journal, vol. 4 (2012), 182
[52] See Subsection (1) of section 158 of the 1999 Constitution
[53] Abeni Op. Cit, 420


CHAPTER THREE
INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY
        The Judiciary plays a fundamental role in national development by efficaciously resolving disputes and upholding civil rights and the rule of law. It creates a stable environment that is indispensable to economic development and social cohesion. Justice must be rooted in confidence and that confidence is destroyed when right thinking people doubt the neutrality of the judge. The independence of the judiciary must be exercised in a manner that is transparent for public view. However it is important to as well as equally necessary to impose checks on the exercise of judicial powers because the exercise of absolute power often leads to abuse of power.[1]
        The term judicial independence embodies the concept that a judge decides cases fairly, impartially, and according to the facts and law, not according to his whims, caprices prejudice or fear of the legislature or executive or the public opinion.
        Professor Nwabueze, pointed out that independence of the judiciary means much more than just independence from the legislature and the executive. It means independence from political influence, whether exerted by the political organs of government or by the public or brought in by the judges themselves through their involvement in politics.[2]
        The independence of the judiciary emanates from the doctrine of separation of powers and it is a generally accepted concept globally as a vital ingredient of a constitutional democracy. It is one of the foundations of the rule of law. It has three basic features: impartial judicial decisions, obedience of judicial decisions and non interference by then. Executive or legislative performance of its duties.
        This independence means that both the judiciary as an institution and the individual judges deciding particular cases must be able to exercise their professional duties without being influenced by the Executive, the legislature or any other inappropriate sources. It is imperative to point out that the principle of independence of the judiciary or judges was not created to protect judges but also to protect individuals against abuse of power. It therefore means that judges cannot act arbitrarily in any way by deciding cases according to their personal preferences, but that their duty is and remains to apply the law to all manner and classes of persons.[3] Accordingly like Caesar’s wife, our courts must not only be above board, but they must at all times, be seen to be above board.
3.1   Constitutional Guarantee of Independence of the Judiciary
        Section 17 (2) (e) of the 1999 constitution provides that the independence and the integrity of courts of law shall be secured and maintained. The concept of judicial independence contains many elements. Basically, a judge should have security of tenure, and can only be removed for specific reason and by means of an adequate procedure. The process of selection of judges should be free from political, personal or other related consideration. Personal emoluments or salaries should be guaranteed the rule of law and obedience to court orders are necessary for a truly independent judiciary. Interest of funding which is also a necessary factor is enshrined in the constitution.[4]
        The constitution can be regarded as the Supreme safeguard for the independence of the judiciary since other mechanisms such as the National Judicial Council, appointment procedures. The role of international law and how it is applied in terms of municipal laws, usually find expression in the constitution.
3.1.1 Appointment of Judicial Officers
        The process of appointment of judicial officers definitely contributes to the independence of the judiciary.[5] For judicial officers to be impartial and independent in applying the law, they must be appointed on merit, experience and qualification. Their appointment should not be influenced by any connections or relations they might have with the President or the ruling political party or members of the Judicial Service Commission or the NJC.
        It is difficult to see how an appointee will not be influenced by the appointing authority as it is the case in Nigeria. A writer points out that institution of the judiciary must be free in its overall functioning from undue interference from any source. Judges should be protected in their decision making from improper influence from other judges and judicial actors, from the executive and legislative branches of government.[6] From the previous chapter we saw that their brethren are other judges nominate candidates to be appointed as judges.[7] It is difficult to see how the appointed judge will decide a case involving the judge who nominated him for appointment without improper influence or extraneous factors influencing his decision. The President or Governors or JSC in the exerts great influence in the appointment of the members of the Judicial Service Commission which shortlists candidates for appointment as judges. For instance the Chief Judge, the Attorney-General, the Grand Kadi, the President of the Customary Court of Appeal are all nominees of the Governor as well as the two lay members of the commission whose appointment is made by the Governor.[8]
        A judge appointed by a commission consisting mainly of politicians and nominees of politicians should hardly be blamed if, where circumstances present two possible options, he lens in favour of politicians who appointed him.[9] A good example of how the commission or NJC could work against independence of the judiciary in the Katsina-Alu/Salami imbroglio. After the FJSC chaired by the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aloysius Katsina-Alu recommended that Justice Isa Ayo Salami be promoted from the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court, the latter rejected the promotion and gave reason for his rejection in a suit in court averring that the CJN had asked that the governorship election petition in Sokoto State be decided in favour of the candidate of the ruling party. Notwithstanding the suit, the NJC suspended him exonerating the CJN.[10] But upon the retirement of the CJN, the matter was revisited and the outcome exonerated Justice Salami. The impact of this controversy, no doubt weakened the moral fiber of the judiciary. The crisis did an incalculable damage to the image of a judiciary that has suffered from public confidence.
        Apart from the above, assuming the NJC and the Judicial Service Commissions do not appear sufficiently to be independent. The NJC merely makes recommendation to the President or Governor as the case may which they may reject. This is evident in the crisis in Rivers State. The view of Honorable Justice Umezulike a Former Chief Judge of Enugu State will show how it may be difficult to get a Chief Judge or judicial officer who is independent in the sense of independence of the judiciary. He observed that as between the Governor and the nominees, there must exist deep mutual respect, deep confidence, courtesy and civility. He further submitted that it is obvious that in practical terms, any friction between the NJC and the Governor may occasion paralysis in the State Judicial System. As between the NJC and the Governor relative to the process, there should be back-slapping rather than back-stabbing.[11]
3.1.2 Security of Tenure
        The concept of judicial independence contains many elements. Basically a judge should have security of tenure and can only be removed on specific grounds and by means of an adequate procedure. A judge should not be afraid of being removed from office if he is to discharge his expected duties without fear or favour.[12]
        The security of tenure of the judicial officers is guaranteed by the 1999 constitution. It provides thus:
1.          A Judicial officer appointed to the Supreme Court or the Court of Appeal may retire when he attains the age of sixty-five years and he shall cease to hold office where he attains the age of seventy years.
2.          A judicial officer appointed to any other court, other than those specified in subsection (1) of this section may retire when he attains the age of sixty years and he shall cease to hold office when he attains the age of sixty-five years.[13]
What is clear from the above provision is that neither the Executive nor the Legislature has power to limit the period of service of a judge, otherwise it will endanger the independence of the judiciary. In the case of removal from office, the constitution made specific provisions for the procedure applicable and the grounds for such removal.[14] Where this provisions are properly applied and adhered to, the independence of the judiciary will be ensured and the security of tenure of judicial officers will be guaranteed.
        Globally, it is a recognized fact that unless there is security of tenure for judicial officers, their independence may be compromised. Hence principle 11 of the Basic Principle 1985 of the United Nations provides that:
The term of office of judges, their independence, security, adequate remuneration, conditions of service, pensions and the age of retirement shall be adequately secured by law.

Principle 1 further provides that:
Judges, whether appointed or elected, shall have guaranteed tenure until a mandatory retirement age or the expiring of their term of office, where such exists.

This international law further makes provisions covering questions discipline, suspension and removal of judges.[15] Principle 17 speaks of “an appropriate procedure” and principle 20 recommends that decisions in disciplinary or other procedures “should be subject to an independent review.” It sums up the recognition for the independence of the judiciary thus:
The independence of the Judiciary shall be guaranteed by the state and enshrined in the constitution or the law of the country. It is the duty of all government and other institutions to respect and observe the independence of the judiciary.[16]

3.1.3 Funding of the Judiciary
        The next item which contributes immensely to the independence of the judiciary is its funding. If the judiciary is deprived of funds and the material to carryout its functions, its independence will be endangered. If the judiciary is properly funded, it will ensure its independence. Hon. Justice Akintola Olufemi Ejiwunmi, JSC, CON on 30th May, 2006, on the occasion of his valedictory observed:
May I also allude to one aspect of the condition under which judges are living and working… There must be in my view proper rules that should govern the entitlement of judges while alive and when he dies whether he is serving or not. When it is men and women of proven integrity and character that are appointed to the Bench and who are properly remunerated and protected, chances are they would discharge their duties fearlessly.[17]

        Financial autonomy from the Executive and Legislature no doubt will entrench Judicial independence.
According to Principle 7 of the 1986 Basic Principles:
It is the duty of each member state to provide adequate resources to enable the judiciary properly perform its functions.

The 1999 constitution makes provision for the funding of the Judiciary it provides thus:
There shall be paid to the holders of the offices mentioned in this section such remuneration, salaries and allowances as may be presented by the National Assembly, but not exceeding the amount as shall have been determined by the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and fiscal commission.[18]

Subsection (2) of section 84 further provides that:
The remuneration, salaries and allowances payable to the holders of the offices so mentioned shall be charge upon the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federation.

The Consolidated Revenue Fund comprises of all revenues received by the Federation subsection (3) of that section further guaranteed that remuneration payable to the holders of the said offices shall not be altered to their disadvantage after their appointment. And subsection (4) listed judicial officers among others as the holders of the aforesaid offices. Subsection (7) specifically provides that the recurrent expenditure of judicial offices in the Federation shall be a charge upon the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federation.
        However it is a common knowledge that the funds of the judiciary are essentially under the control of the Executive arm. They provide offices, court houses, human resources etc without which the Judicial Officers will not perform their functions effectively.[19] The former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Honourable, Justice Dahiru Mustapher, GCON on September 22, 2011 accused State Governors of violating S. 121 (3) of the 1999 constitution by their interference in the statutory allocations to state judiciaries He said:
It is a bit frustrating at the state levels because state governments violate section 121 (3) of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria by diverting statutory allocations meant for the state judiciary… Sometimes the judiciary in the States find it difficult to get their due share of what has been granted them by the constitution we are talking with governments to please comply with the constitutional provision and give the judiciary their dues.[20]

Incessant interference with judicial funds led to an action filed by Alisa Agbakoba against the Federal Government, NJC and the National Assembly where he sought a declaration that the interference was unconstitutional. The Federal High Court, Abuja per Mohammed J. declared that it was unconstitutional for the Executive to interfere with judicial funding. The court held that the continued dependence of the judiciary on the Executive Arm for its Budgeting and funds release violates sections 81 (2) and 84 (1) – (4) and (7) of the 1999 constitution.[21]
        Remuneration is an important matter in any given situation. Respective salaries are a necessary element of judicial independence. According to Rosem, “the underlying policy is to protect judges from financial retribution for rendering decisions that displease the legislature or the Executive”.[22] Section 84 (3) of the constitution protects remuneration of judicial officers, providing that their remuneration and salaries should not be altered to their disadvantage.
        Azinge and Ruth argued for a fair and adequate remuneration for the judiciary since it may help attract qualified persons to the Bench and may also make judges less likely to yield to the temptation of corruption and political or other undue influences.[23] To ensure judicial independence the legislature or the Executive should not use remuneration of judicial officers against them. The Supreme Court of Canada in the case of Manitoba Provincial Judges Assn V Manitoba (Minister of Justice)[24] examined what constitutes violation of judicial independence. And held that the refusal of the Manitoba Government to sign a joint recommendation to the Judicial Compensation Committee “unless the judges agreed to forgo their legal challenge of the law which led Government to impose deductions on their salary violated independence of the judiciary. The court held that the government had its policy imposed economic pressure on the judges so that they would concede the constitutionality of the planned salary charges.”
3.1.4 Judicial Accountability
        Judicial accountability as it relates to the independence of the judiciary means that judges or judicial officers must be subject to discipline if they fail to live above board. However public interest requires that judicial officers, in the exercise of their functions should be able to act freely without fear of incoming liability for damages of defamation.[25] This calls for an examination of judicial immunity.
        Judicial immunity as it relates to independence of the judiciary concerns acts done or words spoken in the performance of judicial duties by judges. It can be traced to the English Common Law[26]. It is also now provides for in the various High Court Laws. For e.g. the High Court Law of Cross River State provides:
No Judge or person appointed under the provision of section 7 of the law to act as a judge shall be liable for any act done or things said by him in the course of any proceedings before him in the course of any proceedings before him, provided that at the time he, in good faith, believed himself to have jurisdiction in such proceedings.[27]

The general rule of the common law is that persons exercising judicial functions in a court or tribunal are immune from all civil liability whatsoever for anything done in their judicial capacity.[28] It is expressed in the Maxim “de fide et officio judicis non recipitur quaestio, sed de scienta, sive sit error juris, sive facti”, meaning the honesty and integrity of a judge cannot be questioned, but his decision may be impinged for error, either of law or of fact. It is necessary for the free and impartial administration of justice, that the person administering it should not be uninfluenced by fear or unbiased by hope.[29]
        Thus, it is the law that no action is maintainable against a judge for anything said or done by him in the performance of his duties. The words which he speaks are protected, the order he gives cannot be made a subject of civil litigation against him. No matter that the judge was under some gross error or ignorance, or actuated by envy, or hatred, and malice and all uncharitableness, he is not liable to any action.[30]
        Judicial impunity does not mean that a judge is protected from all wrongs. Of course, if the judge has accepted bribes or being in the least degree corrupt, or has perverted the course of justice, he can be punished in the criminal courts. This is the place or role of judicial accountability. For the judiciary to properly execute its functions, it must not only be independent but should be subject to discipline accountable and discipline.[31]
        A feature of judicial accountability is that judges must be subject to discipline (as provided under the constitution) if failed to live up to the expectation of their vocation.[32] However, the constitutional procedure for achieving this should not lose sight of the primary aim of enforcing accountability. It should not impair judicial independence.[33]
3.2   Press or Public Trial/Litigation
        Bill or public trial/litigation has the tendency of impugning on the independence of the judiciary. The press may influence public opinion to the extent that public opinion will influence properly constituted courts of the land, judges would be afraid to deliver judgments according to the law and the dictates of their conscience for fear of what the press may say or what aggrieved practitioners and members of the public may choose to say through the press, and deliver judgments in accord with public opinion.[34]
        The dangerous trend of press litigation in Nigeria was acknowledged by Justice Niki Tobi JSC, commenting extensively on its effect on the administration of Justice, and observed:
It is sad that so much has been said in the newspapers of this country on the case. The new technology of internet reporting has added to the comments, some of them doubting our integrity to do justice according to the law. I regard them as blackmail and I will not succumb to blackmail… And when they come to the judges and the judges in their professional minds give judgment, they call them all sort of names. To the party who wins the case, the judiciary is the best place and the real common hope of the common man. To the party who loses, the judiciary is bad… The judge who has given judgment in the light of the law must not be castigated in the way it is done in this country.
    That is a primitive conduct and I condemn it… I feel very strongly that Nigerians judges should be allowed to perform their judicial functions to the best of their ability.[35]

        When a case is in court, it is subjudice to comment on it in the press or by the public because it is prejudicial
matters that are subjudice, commenting on prejudicial. The court of Appeal in Bello V. A.G. Lagos[36] held that:
Comments on pending legal proceedings which purports to prejudice the issues that are to be tried by the court are intrinsically objectionable as constituting a usurpation of the function of the court… Trial by newspaper, television or other medium other than court is not only unacceptable but also objectionable…

3.3   Impact of Independence of Judiciary on Democracy
        An independent judiciary is essential in the dispensation of justice and in democratic system of government. Democracy is all about right and freedom of every individual, these rights and freedom cannot be guaranteed if the judiciary is not independent.[37] A democratic system of government cannot thrive if the judiciary is impotent.  
Therefore, it is importance to examine Nigeria’s judiciary and its role in our democratic dispensation of justice. The case of Amaechi V. INEC,[38] is a landmark case as far as stability of democracy in Nigeria is concerned. In that case Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi (Appellant) emerged as the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for Rivers State, at the Governorship primaries conducted by the PDP. Pursuant to the result of the primaries, the appellant’s name was forwarded to the INEC as the Governorship candidate for the state. Soon after his name was substituted for that of one Celestine Omehia who did not even contest the primaries by the PDP.
        While the matter was in process, the Governorship election was conducted in Rivers State and Omehia was declared the Governor elect, and sworn in as Governor of Rivers State. The Supreme Court in the interest of justice and in order to sustain democracy in Nigeria found for the Appellant and declared him the person entitled to be the Governor of Rivers State.
        In Nigeria today, the political philosophy of politicians is greed and avarice which is likely to endanger our democracy if the judiciary fails to assert its independence. Judicial officers must rise above this decadence, and resist manipulation for their ignoble purposes. This indeed requires a great deal of boldness and fearlessness.[39] Inspite of the glowing contributions of the judiciary, some judges in this democratic dispensation made themselves “misfits having sold their souls to the devil and become ministers in the temple of lucifer”.[40]
3.4   Factors to Aid Independence of the Judiciary.[41]
a.           Courage, Competence and Integrity of Judex: This implies that judicial officers must be courageous to apply the law as it is. They must also show competence and have a corresponding integrity, for a judge without integrity is a scandal to the bench and the nation.
b.           Support of the bar: The bar and the bench should walk hand in hand in the sustenance of the judiciary. The bar must support the Judiciary, fight for the protection of its integrity and the judiciary generally. The former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice Dahiru Mustapher, CJN, GCON, during his swearing in ceremony in clear tone stated that the role of the bar thus:
Traditionally, members of the Bar have always cooperated with the judiciary in educating the public regarding judicial action. The bar has often stepped up in defense of the judiciary at moments where our actions were perceived wrongly. The degeneration of the healthy working relationship between the Bar and the Bench has severed a necessary link in the symbiotic efforts to bridge the gap between the law and society. This link must be restored immediately.[42]

c.           Discerning Public: The members of the public who are very selective in judging, displaying good judgment and good taste, who are astute and an important asset to the judiciary. And will help promote aid the independence of judiciary.
d.          Financial autonomy: This was earlier discussed in this chapter under funding of the judiciary. This factor will greatly aid the independence of the judiciary.
e.           Fearless, Fair and Independent Pres: Notwithstanding the views expressed on press trial, a remarkable feature of the relationship between the judiciary and the media is that the independence of the judiciary and the independence of the media are both fundamental to the continued sustenance of our democracy. Judicial independence and integrity is dependent on the independence of the press. For the press to be helpful to the independence of judiciary, it must be fearless, fair and independent.
f.            Willingness of the executive arm/support of the legislature: The Executive must be willing to see that the judiciary is truly independent, otherwise the practicability of the independence will be a doubt. So also, the legislature must lend its support for the actualization judicial independence. The willingness and support referred to concerns obedience to court orders, respect of the rule of law. Regrettably, the practice today in Nigeria is a serious disappointment. The President and most state Governors incessantly disobey courts orders. A foremost example is the current impasse in the Edo State House of Assembly. Notwithstanding court orders, the warring practices have repeatedly failed to obey court orders. See Per Saluwa J.C.A. p. 86.
g.           Strong sheriff department: Where a strong sheriff department is put in place, it will aid the independence of the judiciary as it will enforce court orders without necessarily resorting to the police as it is the case now. For instance, if a court gives an order against a Commissioner of Police, or is against the Inspector General of Police, if it is difficult to enforce such an order. The police generally flout such orders with impunity, as is the case in Nigeria, today.
h.     Wellbeing of the Judges: This was earlier discussed in this chapter. There is no doubt that when the remuneration of judges is satisfactory in any judges will resist the temptation to be corrupt.
The effect of such disobedience to court orders was aptly captured by the Court of Appeal per Saulawa J.C.A when he held thus:
Not too long ago, this court was recorded to have aptly and rather prophetically re-echoed the antithetical effect of disrespect to courts of law vis-à-vis the independence of the judiciary… its axiomatic that disrespect to a court of Law, in whatever ramification, is antithetical to the rule of law, democracy and the well cherished independence of the judiciary. And the importance of a competent, independent and impartial judiciary in preserving and upholding the rule of law cannot be overemphasized. There is no doubt that public confidence in the independence of the courts, in the integrity of judges that man such courts, and in the impartiality and efficiency of the administration of justice as a whole, play a great role in sustaining the judicial system of a nation. I think it was Mr. Justice Frankfurter, the eminent and fearless US jurist who once remarked that:
“the court’s authority… possessed of neither the purse nor the sword… Ultimately rest on sustained confidence in its moral sanction”. See Baker V Carr, Supreme Court of USA (1962) 369 US 186
Indeed, it’s trite that discourteous, insolent, or disrespectful disposition towards the court is like an ill-wind. It blows nobody any good, at all.[43]

        Indeed judicial independence is necessary for the sustenance of democracy and administration of justice as the last hope of the common man and the highly placed in the society. Judicial independence is two-fold: independence for the institution of the judicial as a whole and independence for the individual judge at every point. If our liberties and freedom must be guaranteed, judicial independence must be enhanced by all.


[1] Badejogbin, R.E. and Onoriode, M.E., “Judicial Accountability and Discipline in Nigeria: Imperatives for the New Democratic Order,” Justice Journal vol. 4 (2012) 17
[2] Nwabuze, B.O, Judicialism in Common Wealth Africa, London: C. Hurst & Company, 1977, 280
[3] Azinge Epipham and Rapu, F. Judith, “Roadmap to Judicial Transformation: through the Lens of Retired and serving jurists of the Supreme Court.” Available online at www.nials-nigeria.org/journals/Azinge and Judith. Roadmap to Judicial Transformation: pdf, 70 (Accessed September 6 2014)
[4] See section 81 and 84 of the 1999 constitution.
[5] Femi Falana, “Mukhtar and the Anti-Corruption war in the Judiciary”, The Punch Newspaper, June 3, 2013, 68
[6] Akinwade Omotolani, “The Impact of the Selection and Appointment of Judges in the Judicial Process: The Nigerian Experience”, Young African Research Journal vol. 2 (2013) 38
[7] NJC Guidelines and Procedural Rules 2003
[8] See Paragraph E of Part II to the 3rd schedule to the 1999 constitution.
[9] T.A. Aguda, The Judiciary in the Government of Nigeria, London: New Horn Press, 1983 in Kinwade Op. Cit, 41
[10] Femi Falena, the Anti-Corruption war in the Nigerian Judiciary: The Journey so far,” in Abikan, A.I. and Ishola, A.S. (ed) Nigeria Judiciary: Contemporary Issues in Administration of Justice: Essays in Honour of Hon. Justice Isa Ayo Salami, Ilorin: Nigeria Bar Association, 2013, 306-309
[11] Umezulike Innocent, “Appointment of a Chief Judge of a State in Nigeria-my Experience and the Ascent of Pragmatism and Constitutionalism,” in Kunle Uttman, “The Reality and the Myth: How Independent are the JSC in filling vacancies,” Available online at accesstojustice.ng.org (accessed September 6, 2014)
[12] Agbelu Oluseyi and Odewale, Olanike S. “The Employment Status of Judicial Officers and its Effects on the Independence of the Judiciary in the Nigerian Legal System,” The Silk (2011) 81
[13] See S. 291 of the 1999 constitution.
[14] See S. 292 and the previous discussion on removal in chapter two of this work.
[15] See principle 17-20 of the United Nations Basic Principles
[16] Principle 1 of the 1985 Basic Principles
[17] Quoted in Azinge and Judith Op. Cit, 79
[18] See subsection (1) of section 84 of the constitution
[19] Yusuf, O. Ali, “The Independence of Judiciary as a Panacea for Stability of Democracy in Nigeria,” A paper presented at the Kuncheon in Honour of Hon. Justice Olagoke Ige, 13. Available online at www.yusufali.net/articles/the-independenc-of-judiciary-as-panaeea-for-stability-of-democracy-in-Nigeria.pdf (accessed September 5, 2014)
[20] Dahiru Mustapher JSC cited in Azinge & Judith Op. Cit 89
[21] Olisa Agbakoba V. F.G, NJC & National Assembly, Unrep. Suit No. FHC/ABI/CS/63/2013
[22] US Agency for International Development, Guidance for Promoting Judicial Independence and Impartiality, revised ed., 2002, 31
[23] Rosenn, Keith S. “The Protection of Judicial Independence n Latin America,”Inter-American Law Review, vol. 19 (1) (1987-1989) 15
[24] Azinge and Judith, op cit, 90
[25] Ibid, 91
[26] Adebayo V. Kolawole (1985) 6 NCLR 709, The Secretary, Iwo Central L.G. V. Adio (2000) 8 NWLR (pt. 669) 115
[27] Edeka, S.E, Fundamental Issues in Nigeria Constitutional Law, Benin City: Anointed Tesa Printing Press, 2002, 200
[28] S. 56 (1), High Court Law of Cross River State.
[29] SBM Serv (Nig.) Ltd & Ors V. Okon & Ors (2004) 9 NWLR (Pt. 879) 529
[30] Ibid
[31] See Lord Denming M.R in Sirrros V. Moore (1974) 3 AER 776 at 782
[32] Ibid, 171
[33] Azinye & Judith Op. Cit. 74
[34] Ibid, 82
[35] Buhari V. INEC (2008) 19 NWLR (pt. 120) 246 at 412, 427-428
[36] (2007) 2 NWLR (Pt. 1017) 115 at 151-153
[37] Yusuf, O. Ali, Op. Cit. 20
[38] (2008) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1080) 227, see also Ugwu V. Ararume (2007) 12 NWLR (pt. 1048) 367, the case of Inakoju V. Adeleke (2007) 4 NWLR (Pt. 1025) 423 is another step to sustaining democracy in Nigeria, see also Obi V. INEC (2007) 11 NWLR (pt. 1046) 565
[39] Udechukwu, U.N., “The Courts and Politics in Nigeria today”, being a paper presented at the National Conference on Nigerian Government and Politics, 1999-2004 at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, April 22nd 2004, 110
[40] Ibid 13
[41] Yusuf, O. Ali, Op. Cit., 26-27
[42] Cited in Azinge & Judith Op. Cit, 87-88
[43] Salvador V. INEC (2012) 7 NWLR (pt. 1300) 417 at 455-456.


CHAPTER FOUR
4.1   Conclusion
        This essay has reviewed the process of appointment of judicial officers and the process of independence of the judiciary cum Nigeria’s democratic ideals. It is obvious that the independence of the judiciary must be a priority for the stability of democracy in Nigeria. The judiciary is indeed the last hope of every man not only the common man. To this end, and from our discussion in this essay there is indeed need for reform in the selection and appointment process of judicial process.
        There is need for judges who will make a positive impact on the whole process of adjudication. To that effect, an independent appointing body is of great importance as it will work judicial independence which men of all ages has upheld to be sacrosanct.
        In chapter one the background of the study was given and key concepts like separation of powers, checks and balances, judicial review and judicial powers were discussed.
        Montesquieu argues that the reason for separation of powers is that there can be no political freedom in a country where one and the same person or body of persons make the laws, implements them, and act as arbiter when they are contravened.[1] The doctrine of separation of powers is enshrined in our constitution to ensure independence of each of the arms of government, that is, the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. Each acts separately but within the confines of the law or Constitution.[2]
        There is a general contention which I alluded to that an absolute theory of separation of powers in which one organ of government function in complete isolation is not viable. What is indeed practicable and desirable is a healthy relationship between the three organs of government. In order to checkmate abuse of power by one organ of government, the doctrine of checks and balances is apt. checks and balances presupposes that one organ can challenge the exercise of power by another organ where it is ultra vires. In other words one arm serves as a watchdog or safeguard against any form of irregularity by the other branch (es).
        While discussing “judicial review, i.e., the power of the court to examine the actions of other arms of government with a view to either uphold them or invalidate them where necessary, I contended that judicial review is the bedrock of democracy without which not only lives and liberty of the people would be in jeopardy, the democratic rights and the effectiveness of one arm of government may be rendered ineffectual by another arm of government.
        Pursuant to the provisions of the constitution, the judicial power of Nigeria as a State is vested in the Judiciary.[3] Judicial power refers to the ability, the function of the court.[4] It means the power of the court to decide and pronounce a judgment and carry it into effect between persons who bring a case before it for decision. It is co-existence with power of the state to administer public justice and make laws and execute them as well.
        Though Professor Nwabueze contended that a judge in the exercise of judicial power to do justice, must not allow himself to be influenced by any other consideration at all.[5] A view too rigid in my view, he fails to consider the influence of public policy in decisions of court and how it eventually establish a body of principles to be used in the determination of future cases.[6]
        The judicial powers as exercised by the courts have its limitations. Under S. 6 (b) (c) (d) of the Constitution, the judicial powers of the court shall not except as otherwise provided by the Constitution, extend to any issue or question as to whether any act or omission by any authority or person or as to whether any law or any judicial decision is in conformity with the fundamental objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy set out in chapter 2 of the constitution.
        Chapter two looked at the appointment process of judicial officers in Nigeria. The manner in which judges are appointed forms an important component of judicial independence. It is essential to ensure an open and transparent process when judicial officers are appointed, if democracy and the principle of judicial independence are to be safeguarded.
        The appointment of judges is a function of the President or the Governor of a State as the case may be. However the Judicial Service Commission and the National Judicial Council assist in the process of appointing Judicial officers. The role of the NJC is dependent on the wording of the appointment clause, namely “on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council…”, “the National Judicial Council shall have power to recommend to… from the list of persons submitted by the State Judicial Service Commission…”.[7] Though this provision appears clear enough, the NJC’s attitude in the appointment process appears to go beyond recommendation. This is gleaned from the facts of the current dispute in the appointment process of the Chief Judge of Rivers State.
        I contended earlier that if the role of the NJC is merely to recommend in the appointment process of judicial officers, the desire for judicial independence may only remain myth. The notion of judicial independence finds expression in the doctrine of separation of powers. If upon true construction of the provision, the President or Governor is not bound by the recommendation of the NJC, this raises many questions and poses as a threat to separation of powers and judicial independence in particular. Thus, it is my opinion that it will serve the best interest of the judiciary if the wordings of the constitution is amended in a manner that will clearly bind the President or Governor to consider the recommendation of the NJC because one can argue that what is the use of recommending a judicial officer for appointment that will end up not being appointed because the recommendation is not binding.
        I also questioned the composition of the NJC and the over-bearing power of the Chief Justice of Nigeria to appoint about 19 members of the council out of the 23 which makeup its membership. The role which members of the Nigerian Bar Association who are members of the council is to play as members of the council also calls for question. I contended that the representatives of the NBA in the council who were supposedly the true watchdog in the council should be given greater role than what we have under the Constitution. I also questioned the qualification for membership of the council as contained in S. 156 that the same qualification for persons vying for membership of the House of Representatives should be the qualification for its membership. This provision is not only vague but also works against the independence of the NJC as well as the judiciary.
        Chapter three examined the independence of the judiciary, the term judicial independence embodies the concept that a judge decides cases fairly, impartially and according to the facts and law, not according to whim, prejudice or fear, the dictates of the legislature or executive or the latest opinion poll.
        The judiciary is the third arm of government in accordance with our Constitution and in accordance with the doctrine of separation of powers, independence of the judiciary must be guaranteed and secured. To secure the independence of the judiciary, government must grant to it true financial autonomy, and a full self-accounting status. It is thus gratifying that the Federal High Court in a case earlier referred to (Agakoba V. A.G. Federation, National Judicial Council and the National Assembly) upheld the financial independence of the judiciary.
        The process of appointment of judicial officers definitely contributes to judicial independence. To have an effective and efficient judiciary, the appointment of judicial officers should be based on merit. But this is not the case in Nigeria. Appointments are based on factors such as family and political ties.[8]
        The most alarming challenge which is recently impeding judicial independence is the dangerous trend of press litigation in Nigeria. It has the tendency of impugning on judicial independence. This was captured by Niki Tobi JSC in the case of Buhari V. INEC.[9] Commenting on matters that are subjudice prejudices such matters, such trend should be objected to.[10]
        I also examined factors that will aid independence of the judiciary. The factors examined are:
a.     Courage, competence and integrity of the judex
b.     Support of the bar
c.     Discerning public
d.     Financial autonomy
e.     Fearless, fair and independent press
f.      Willingness of the executive arm/support of the legislature
g.     Strong sheriff department
h.     Obedience to court order by all and sundry including the executive arm unlike the current trend in Nigeria
i.      Wellbeing of the judges.
        The independence of the judiciary is necessary for sustenance of democracy and administration of justice and the rule of law. Judicial independence is two fold: independence for the institution of the judiciary and independence for the individual judge. Accordingly, the appointment of judicial officers should be carefully carried out to secure independence of the individual judge. In the same vein, the security of their tenure in office as enshrined in the Constitution is sacrosanct.
        There is need for reform in the selection and appointment process of judicial officers. This was my contention in chapters two and three supra. There is a need for judges who will make a positive impact on the whole process of adjudication. To that effect an independent appointing body is of great importance.
4.2   Recommendation
        The need for an independent appointment body is sacrosanct. The Judicial Service Commission and the National Judicial Council should be manned by people of high integrity who can be trusted to act independently.
        In the appointment process, the principle of equality and merit should be upheld; accordingly the best amongst qualified people should be selected for appointment. Thus nomination only by judicial officers as is the case today should be reduced if not stopped. What should be the case is a full participation of the NBA and the public in the appointment process, and it should be open and transparent rather than the current process shrouded in secrecy. It is therefore apt to recommend that practicing lawyers with sound legal experience and knowledge couple with the required character should be the ones considered for appointment. Distinguished jurist from the university or academics should as well be considered as was the case with Dr. T.O.S. Elias.
        Femi Falana opined that the manner of appointment should be reviewed to prevent lawyers of questionable character or who lacks the knowledge of law from finding their way to the bench.[11] In order to satisfy the requirement of sound legal knowledge, the entire federation was called by Uthman to embrace the methodology currently applicable in Lagos State where applicants for judicial appointment in the State write a qualifying Aptitude Test. Accordingly no one who fails the test can proceed to the next stage.[12] This will ensure merit in the appointment process.
        In order to secure the necessary qualified persons for appointment as judicial officers the NJC need to be independent and the persons manning the council must possess the required pedigree. I will in this work adopt the recommendation made by Abeni SAN where he sued for charges in the council. The recommendations include:
1.          The person to be appointed as chairman of the Council should be the immediate retired Chief justice in place of a serving Chief Justice and such Chairman should serve till the time a serving Chief Justice retires and assume the position of the Chairman of the Council.
2.          The five members from the Nigeria Bar Association should participate in all activities of the Council.
3.          A standing investigating body of none-members of the council should be constituted to carryout investigation.
4.          The number of appointees of the Chairman of the Council should be reduced. Accordingly for independent of the members, the appointment should be by a body other than the chairman of the Council.
5.          The power to appoint, suspend and discipline judicial officers should be absolutely vested in the Council, thus the power of recommendation to the executive for appointment and removal be removed from the constitution.
I will also recommend that the Chief Judges of states and the Chief Justice of Nigeria should not be based on appointment by the Governor or President but on election either open to only legal practitioners or the general public
        It is hoped that with the above recommendation if successfully entrenched in our legal system we would have a better judiciary though not a perfect one.


[1] Espirit Des Lois (Spirit of the Law) Chapt 11, 3-6, in Ese Malemi, The Nigerian Constitutional Law, Lagos: Princeton Publishing Co., 2006, 66
[2] See Chapt 1 Part II of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999
[3] See S. 6 of the Constitution.
[4] Nabaruwal V. Offordili (2005) 1 FWLR (pt. 248) 858 at 878
[5] Ben, O. Nwabeuze, Judicialism in Commonwealth Africa, London: C. Hurst & Company, 1997, 2
[6] See the decision of the Supreme Court per Ogbuagu JSC in N.N.P.C V. Lutin Investment Ltd & Anor (2006) 2 N.W.L.R. (pt. 965) 506, see also Commandclem Nig. Ltd V. Mobil producing Nigeria Unlimited Suit No: S.C. 69/2011, decided April 8, 2013. Available online at community vanguardngr.com (Accessed September 8, 2014)
[7] See Para 21 (c) Part 1 of the 3rd schedule to the Constitution.
[8] Aguda, T.A., The Judiciary in the Government of Nigeria, London New Horn Press, 1983
[9] (2008) 19 NWLR (pt. 1120) 246 at 412, 427-428
[10] Bello V. A.G. Lagos State (2007) 2 NWLR (pt. 1618) 115 at 151-153.
[11] Femi Falana, “The Anti-Corruption War in the Nigerian Judiciary: The Journey So Far,” in Abikan I. Abdulqadir & Ishola .S. Abdullahi (ed.) Nigeria Judiciary. Contemporary Issues in Administration of Justice: Essays in Honour of Hon Justice Isa Ayo Salami, Ilorin: Nigerian Bar Association, 2013, 310
[12] Kunle Uthman, “The Reality and the Myth: How Independent are the JSC in filling vacancies,” available online at accesstojustice-ng.org./ (accessed September 6, 2014)


BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS
Akane, Jadesola O., Introduction to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, Lagos: MIJ Publishers, 2000
Ben, O. Nwabueze, Judicialism in Common Wealth Africa, London: C. Hurst & Company. 1997
Edeko, S.E., Fundamental Issues in Nigerian Constitutional Law, Benin City: Anointed Tesa Printing Press, 2002
Ese Malemi, The Nigerian Constitutional Law, Lagos: Princeton Publishing Co., 2006.
T.A. Aguda, The Judiciary in the Government of Nigeria, London: New Horn Press, 1983.
U.S. Agency for International Development, Guideline for Promoting Judicial Independence and Impartiality, revised, 2002
Articles
Agbelu Oluseyi and Odewale Olanike S., “The Employment Status of Judicial Officers and its Effects on the Independence of the Judiciary in the Nigerian Legal System,” The SILK (2011) 81
Ajepe, Taiwo Shehu & Mohammed, M. Akanbi, “Modeling Separation for Constitutionalism: The Nigerian Approach,” Journal of Law, Policy and Globalization vol. 3 (2012) 23
Azinge Epiphany and Rapu, F. Judith, “Roadmap to Judicial Transformation: Through the Lens of Retired and Serving Jurists of the Supreme Courts,” available online at www.nials-nigeria.org/journals/AzingeandJudity-Roadmaptojudicialtransformation.pdf (accessed September 6, 2014
Badejogbin, Rebecca E. and Onoride Mercy Emetejide Judicial Accountability and Discipline in Nigeria: Imperatives for the New Democratic Order,” Justice Journal, vol. 4 (2012) 171
Dadem, Y.Y., “Removing the Judge: Challenges to Judicial Independence in Nigeria,” Nigerian Law Journal, vol. 15 No. 1. (2013) 74
Femi Falana, “Mukhtar and Anti-Corruption War in the Judiciary,” the Punch Newspaper, June 3, 2013, 68
Guobadia, Osahon O. “The Relevance of the Judiciary in a Democratic Nigeria”, International Journal of Law and Contemporary Studies vol. 4 No. 1 & 2 (2009) 78
John Bridge, “Constitutional Guarantee of the Independence of the Judiciary,” Electronic Journal of Comparative Law, vol. 11 (3) (2007) 1. Available online at http://www.ejcl.org (accessed September 5, 2014).
Kelly Martin “American History a Constitutional Checks and Balances,” available online at http://americanhistory. about.com/od/usconstitution/a/checksbalances.htm (Accessed August 15, 2014)
Ogoloma Fineface “The Theory of Separation of Powers in Nigeria: An Assessment,” African Research Review, vol. 6 (3) No. 26 (2012) 132
Omotalani Akinwade, “The Impact of the Selection and Appointment of Judges on the Judicial Process: The Nigerian Experience,” Young African Research, vol. 2 (2013) 24
Yusuf Ali “The Evolution of Ideal Nigerian Judiciary in the New Millennium,” Nigerian Bar Journal, vol. No. 1 (2001) 42
CHAPTERS IN BOOKS
Abeni, O. Mohammed “Constitutional Powers of the National Judicial Council,” in Abikan, A.I. and Ishola, A.S., (ed.) Nigeria Judiciary: Contemporary Issues in Administration of Justice: Essays in Honour of Hon. Justice Isa Ayo Salami, Ilorin: Nigerian Bar Association, 2013
Femi Falana, “The Anti-Corruption War in the Nigerian Judiciary: The Journey so Far,” in Abikan, A.I. and Ishola, A.S. (ed.) Nigeria Judiciary: Contemporary Issues in Administration of Justice: Essays in Honour of Hon. Justice Isa Ayo Salami, Ilorin: Nigerian Bar Association, 2013
Okoye A.O., “Issues in the Membership, Powers and Autonomy of the National Judicial Council in Nigeria,” in Abikan, A.I., and Ishola, A.S. (ed)., Nigeria Judiciary: Contemporary Issues in Administration of Justice Essays in Honour of Hon. Justice Isa Ayo Salami, Ilorin: Nigerian Bar Association, 2013
Unpublished Articles
Kunle Uthman “The Reality and the Myth: How Independent are the JSC in Filling Vacancies,” a presentation made at the Lagos State Judicial Service Commission
Udechukwu, U.N., “The Courts and Politics in Nigeria Today,” being the text of paper presented at the National Conference on Nigerian Government and Politics, 1999-2004 at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka on April 22, 2004
Yusuf Ali “The Independence of the Judiciary as a panacea for Stability of Democracy in Nigeria,” being a paper presented at the Lucheon in Honour of Hon. Justice Olagoke Ige. Available on line at www.yusufali.net/ articles/the-independence-of-judiciary-as-panacea-for-stability-of-democracy-in-Nigeria.Pdf (accessed September 5, 2014.

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